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('node', 'press_release', 0, 758, 1553, 'und', 0, '<p>For Immediate Release</p><p><span style=\"text-align: right;\">December 6, 2016</span></p><p>Contact:&nbsp;<a href=\"mailto:forum@pf-armenia.org\">forum@pf-armenia.org</a><br /> Web:&nbsp;<a href=\"http://www.pf-armenia.org/\">http://www.pf-armenia.org</a></p><p>December 6, 2016 marks the first anniversary of the 2015 Constitutional Referendum in Armenia. On that date, citizens of Armenia went to the polling stations to express their views on constitutional amendments proposed by the executive branch, aimed at transforming the country&rsquo;s governance structure from a presidential to a parliamentary system.&nbsp;</p><p>The referendum was seen by critics as an avenue for perpetuating the rule of Serge Sargsyan&mdash;who occupies the president&rsquo;s office following two fraudulent elections and cannot run for a third term&mdash;by making him Prime Minister with stronger powers for an indefinite period. Sargsyan&rsquo;s rule since 2008 has been marred by an unprecedented degree of systemic corruption, cronyism, and poor economic/developmental decision-making, providing ground for skepticism toward the constitutional reforms package spearheaded by him.</p><p>Policy Forum Armenia&rsquo;s Special Report &ldquo;Armenia&rsquo;s 2015 Constitutional Referendum&rdquo; issued today provides evidence of systemic election fraud that took place on December 6, 2015. Specifically, it provides detailed statistical and econometric evidence, which can be summarized as follows:</p><ul><li>The officially reported voter turnout is unrealistically high and grossly misrepresents the reality on the ground.</li><li>Statistical distribution of the Yes and No votes are highly abnormal. The distribution of the Yes vote is the most anomalous of any pro-government vote cast since 2008.</li><li>Abnormally high voter turnout benefited the (pro-government) Yes vote.</li><li>The (artificially inflated) voter turnout is correlated with factors that are highly susceptible to fraud.</li><li>There exists a sizable and statistically significant &ldquo;observer effect&rdquo;, which indicates presence of fraud.</li><li>The share of invalid ballots is correlated with the (pro-opposition) NO vote, suggesting strategic behavior and fraud.</li></ul><p>International and local observers as well as numerous eyewitness accounts and social media reports support our empirical findings, that is, the presence of widespread irregularities and systemic fraud during the Referendum. The integrity of the process was clearly jeopardized and the final outcome did not express the will of people of Armenia.</p><p>As noted by PFA Executive Board member Dr. Zaven Kalayjian: &ldquo;Based on the results provided in our report, the Constitutional amendments suggested by Sargsyan administration were in all likelihood rejected by the Armenian voters. Our analysis is consistent with other instances from Armenia&rsquo;s recent history where the ruling regime has manipulated the polls for its own benefit.&rdquo;</p><p>The report serves as a reminder of the degree and sophistication of election fraud in Armenia and a warning that a much stronger monitoring and recount efforts are needed to put a dent in the Sargsyan administration&rsquo;s election fraud machine to influence an otherwise predictable outcome.</p><p>While Armenia presents itself as an electoral democracy, the experience of the past quarter century has shown that conventional political mechanisms for change in Armenia are broken. Elections have merely become a tool of authoritarian power holders&rsquo; attempts to legitimize their rule. In this regard, PFA welcomes the recent statement by the US Embassy in Yerevan suggesting that the existence of electoral fraud in Armenia is &ldquo;a matter of political will.&rdquo;</p><p>The 4-day war in April and July events in Yerevan demonstrated that the social contract between the Sargsyan administration and people of Armenia is broken. While the population at large has endured substandard social conditions and human rights abuses as the price for peace in Artsakh and some economic growth, it has become clear that the Sargsyan administration is no longer capable of delivering on its part of the bargain. The events also showed that there exist political and societal forces in Armenia, who will go to great lengths to try to stop Armenia&rsquo;s slide towards dictatorship and total control by Russia.</p><p>More than a new constitution Armenia needs a new breed of leaders with education, integrity, and vision, who could turn the existing laws into a workable mechanism for providing the good democratic governance required for the development, prosperity, and security of our homeland. The current status quo is unsustainable and will undoubtedly lead to new instability and social upheaval.&nbsp;</p><p style=\"text-align: center;\">* * *</p><p>Policy Forum Armenia is a 501(c)3 non-profit think tank aimed at strengthening discourse on Armenia&#39;s economic development and national security and, through that, helping to shape public policy in Armenia. This Special Report and other PFA reports, which provide assessments of critical developments taking place in Armenia and the Diaspora, are available via www.pf-armenia.org/reports. PFA Executive Board Washington, DC</p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 758, 1555, 'und', 0, '<p>For Immediate Release</p><p><span style=\"text-align: right;\">December 6, 2016</span></p><p>Contact:&nbsp;<a href=\"mailto:forum@pf-armenia.org\">forum@pf-armenia.org</a><br /> Web:&nbsp;<a href=\"http://www.pf-armenia.org/\">http://www.pf-armenia.org</a></p><p>December 6, 2016 marks the first anniversary of the 2015 Constitutional Referendum in Armenia. On that date, citizens of Armenia went to the polling stations to express their views on constitutional amendments proposed by the executive branch, aimed at transforming the country&rsquo;s governance structure from a presidential to a parliamentary system.&nbsp;</p><p>The referendum was seen by critics as an avenue for perpetuating the rule of Serge Sargsyan&mdash;who occupies the president&rsquo;s office following two fraudulent elections and cannot run for a third term&mdash;by making him Prime Minister with stronger powers for an indefinite period. Sargsyan&rsquo;s rule since 2008 has been marred by an unprecedented degree of systemic corruption, cronyism, and poor economic/developmental decision-making, providing ground for skepticism toward the constitutional reforms package spearheaded by him.</p><p>Policy Forum Armenia&rsquo;s <a href=\"https://www.pf-armenia.org/sites/default/files/documents/files/December%202016%20Special%20Report.pdf\">Special Report &ldquo;Armenia&rsquo;s 2015 Constitutional Referendum&rdquo;</a> issued today provides evidence of systemic election fraud that took place on December 6, 2015. Specifically, it provides detailed statistical and econometric evidence, which can be summarized as follows:</p><ul><li>The officially reported voter turnout is unrealistically high and grossly misrepresents the reality on the ground.</li><li>Statistical distribution of the Yes and No votes are highly abnormal. The distribution of the Yes vote is the most anomalous of any pro-government vote cast since 2008.</li><li>Abnormally high voter turnout benefited the (pro-government) Yes vote.</li><li>The (artificially inflated) voter turnout is correlated with factors that are highly susceptible to fraud.</li><li>There exists a sizable and statistically significant &ldquo;observer effect&rdquo;, which indicates presence of fraud.</li><li>The share of invalid ballots is correlated with the (pro-opposition) NO vote, suggesting strategic behavior and fraud.</li></ul><p>International and local observers as well as numerous eyewitness accounts and social media reports support our empirical findings, that is, the presence of widespread irregularities and systemic fraud during the Referendum. The integrity of the process was clearly jeopardized and the final outcome did not express the will of people of Armenia.</p><p>As noted by PFA Executive Board member Dr. Zaven Kalayjian: &ldquo;Based on the results provided in our report, the Constitutional amendments suggested by Sargsyan administration were in all likelihood rejected by the Armenian voters. Our analysis is consistent with other instances from Armenia&rsquo;s recent history where the ruling regime has manipulated the polls for its own benefit.&rdquo;</p><p>The report serves as a reminder of the degree and sophistication of election fraud in Armenia and a warning that a much stronger monitoring and recount efforts are needed to put a dent in the Sargsyan administration&rsquo;s election fraud machine to influence an otherwise predictable outcome.</p><p>While Armenia presents itself as an electoral democracy, the experience of the past quarter century has shown that conventional political mechanisms for change in Armenia are broken. Elections have merely become a tool of authoritarian power holders&rsquo; attempts to legitimize their rule. In this regard, PFA welcomes the recent statement by the US Embassy in Yerevan suggesting that the existence of electoral fraud in Armenia is &ldquo;a matter of political will.&rdquo;</p><p>The 4-day war in April and July events in Yerevan demonstrated that the social contract between the Sargsyan administration and people of Armenia is broken. While the population at large has endured substandard social conditions and human rights abuses as the price for peace in Artsakh and some economic growth, it has become clear that the Sargsyan administration is no longer capable of delivering on its part of the bargain. The events also showed that there exist political and societal forces in Armenia, who will go to great lengths to try to stop Armenia&rsquo;s slide towards dictatorship and total control by Russia.</p><p>More than a new constitution Armenia needs a new breed of leaders with education, integrity, and vision, who could turn the existing laws into a workable mechanism for providing the good democratic governance required for the development, prosperity, and security of our homeland. The current status quo is unsustainable and will undoubtedly lead to new instability and social upheaval.&nbsp;</p><p style=\"text-align: center;\">* * *</p><p>Policy Forum Armenia is a 501(c)3 non-profit think tank aimed at strengthening discourse on Armenia&#39;s economic development and national security and, through that, helping to shape public policy in Armenia. This Special Report and other PFA reports, which provide assessments of critical developments taking place in Armenia and the Diaspora, are available via www.pf-armenia.org/reports.</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>PFA Executive Board</p><p>Washington, DC</p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 758, 1556, 'und', 0, '<p>For Immediate Release</p><p><span style=\"text-align: right;\">December 6, 2016</span></p><p>Contact:&nbsp;<a href=\"mailto:forum@pf-armenia.org\">forum@pf-armenia.org</a><br /> Web:&nbsp;<a href=\"http://www.pf-armenia.org/\">http://www.pf-armenia.org</a></p><p>December 6, 2016 marks the first anniversary of the 2015 Constitutional Referendum in Armenia. On that date, citizens of Armenia went to the polling stations to express their views on constitutional amendments proposed by the executive branch, aimed at transforming the country&rsquo;s governance structure from a presidential to a parliamentary system.&nbsp;</p><p>The referendum was seen by critics as an avenue for perpetuating the rule of Serge Sargsyan&mdash;who occupies the president&rsquo;s office following two fraudulent elections and cannot run for a third term&mdash;by making him Prime Minister with stronger powers for an indefinite period. Sargsyan&rsquo;s rule since 2008 has been marred by an unprecedented degree of systemic corruption, cronyism, and poor economic/developmental decision-making, providing ground for skepticism toward the constitutional reforms package spearheaded by him.</p><p>Policy Forum Armenia&rsquo;s <strong><a href=\"https://www.pf-armenia.org/sites/default/files/documents/files/December%202016%20Special%20Report.pdf\">Special Report &ldquo;Armenia&rsquo;s 2015 Constitutional Referendum&rdquo;</a></strong> issued today provides evidence of systemic election fraud that took place on December 6, 2015. Specifically, it provides detailed statistical and econometric evidence, which can be summarized as follows:</p><ul><li>The officially reported voter turnout is unrealistically high and grossly misrepresents the reality on the ground.</li><li>Statistical distribution of the Yes and No votes are highly abnormal. The distribution of the Yes vote is the most anomalous of any pro-government vote cast since 2008.</li><li>Abnormally high voter turnout benefited the (pro-government) Yes vote.</li><li>The (artificially inflated) voter turnout is correlated with factors that are highly susceptible to fraud.</li><li>There exists a sizable and statistically significant &ldquo;observer effect&rdquo;, which indicates presence of fraud.</li><li>The share of invalid ballots is correlated with the (pro-opposition) NO vote, suggesting strategic behavior and fraud.</li></ul><p>International and local observers as well as numerous eyewitness accounts and social media reports support our empirical findings, that is, the presence of widespread irregularities and systemic fraud during the Referendum. The integrity of the process was clearly jeopardized and the final outcome did not express the will of people of Armenia.</p><p>As noted by PFA Executive Board member Dr. Zaven Kalayjian: &ldquo;Based on the results provided in our report, the Constitutional amendments suggested by Sargsyan administration were in all likelihood rejected by the Armenian voters. Our analysis is consistent with other instances from Armenia&rsquo;s recent history where the ruling regime has manipulated the polls for its own benefit.&rdquo;</p><p>The report serves as a reminder of the degree and sophistication of election fraud in Armenia and a warning that a much stronger monitoring and recount efforts are needed to put a dent in the Sargsyan administration&rsquo;s election fraud machine to influence an otherwise predictable outcome.</p><p>While Armenia presents itself as an electoral democracy, the experience of the past quarter century has shown that conventional political mechanisms for change in Armenia are broken. Elections have merely become a tool of authoritarian power holders&rsquo; attempts to legitimize their rule. In this regard, PFA welcomes the recent <strong><a href=\"https://www.pf-armenia.org/sites/default/files/documents/files/December%202016%20Special%20Report.pdf\">statement </a></strong>by the US Embassy in Yerevan suggesting that the existence of electoral fraud in Armenia is &ldquo;a matter of political will.&rdquo;</p><p>The 4-day war in April and July events in Yerevan demonstrated that the social contract between the Sargsyan administration and people of Armenia is broken. While the population at large has endured substandard social conditions and human rights abuses as the price for peace in Artsakh and some economic growth, it has become clear that the Sargsyan administration is no longer capable of delivering on its part of the bargain. The events also showed that there exist political and societal forces in Armenia, who will go to great lengths to try to stop Armenia&rsquo;s slide towards dictatorship and total control by Russia.</p><p>More than a new constitution Armenia needs a new breed of leaders with education, integrity, and vision, who could turn the existing laws into a workable mechanism for providing the good democratic governance required for the development, prosperity, and security of our homeland. The current status quo is unsustainable and will undoubtedly lead to new instability and social upheaval.&nbsp;</p><p style=\"text-align: center;\">* * *</p><p>Policy Forum Armenia is a 501(c)3 non-profit think tank aimed at strengthening discourse on Armenia&#39;s economic development and national security and, through that, helping to shape public policy in Armenia. This Special Report and other PFA reports, which provide assessments of critical developments taking place in Armenia and the Diaspora, are available via https://www.pf-armenia.org/.&nbsp;</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>PFA Executive Board</p><p>Washington, DC</p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 758, 1557, 'und', 0, '<p>For Immediate Release</p><p><span style=\"text-align: right;\">December 6, 2016</span></p><p>Contact:&nbsp;<a href=\"mailto:forum@pf-armenia.org\">forum@pf-armenia.org</a><br /> Web:&nbsp;<a href=\"http://www.pf-armenia.org/\">http://www.pf-armenia.org</a></p><p>December 6, 2016 marks the first anniversary of the 2015 Constitutional Referendum in Armenia. On that date, citizens of Armenia went to the polling stations to express their views on constitutional amendments proposed by the executive branch, aimed at transforming the country&rsquo;s governance structure from a presidential to a parliamentary system.&nbsp;</p><p>The referendum was seen by critics as an avenue for perpetuating the rule of Serge Sargsyan&mdash;who occupies the president&rsquo;s office following two fraudulent elections and cannot run for a third term&mdash;by making him Prime Minister with stronger powers for an indefinite period. Sargsyan&rsquo;s rule since 2008 has been marred by an unprecedented degree of systemic corruption, cronyism, and poor economic/developmental decision-making, providing ground for skepticism toward the constitutional reforms package spearheaded by him.</p><p>Policy Forum Armenia&rsquo;s <a href=\"https://www.pf-armenia.org/sites/default/files/documents/files/December%202016%20Special%20Report_0.pdf\"><strong>Special Report &ldquo;Armenia&rsquo;s 2015 Constitutional Referendum&rdquo;</strong></a><strong></strong> issued today provides evidence of systemic election fraud that took place on December 6, 2015. Specifically, it provides detailed statistical and econometric evidence, which can be summarized as follows:</p><ul><li>The officially reported voter turnout is unrealistically high and grossly misrepresents the reality on the ground.</li><li>Statistical distribution of the Yes and No votes are highly abnormal. The distribution of the Yes vote is the most anomalous of any pro-government vote cast since 2008.</li><li>Abnormally high voter turnout benefited the (pro-government) Yes vote.</li><li>The (artificially inflated) voter turnout is correlated with factors that are highly susceptible to fraud.</li><li>There exists a sizable and statistically significant &ldquo;observer effect&rdquo;, which indicates presence of fraud.</li><li>The share of invalid ballots is correlated with the (pro-opposition) NO vote, suggesting strategic behavior and fraud.</li></ul><p>International and local observers as well as numerous eyewitness accounts and social media reports support our empirical findings, that is, the presence of widespread irregularities and systemic fraud during the Referendum. The integrity of the process was clearly jeopardized and the final outcome did not express the will of people of Armenia.</p><p>As noted by PFA Executive Board member Dr. Zaven Kalayjian: &ldquo;Based on the results provided in our report, the Constitutional amendments suggested by Sargsyan administration were in all likelihood rejected by the Armenian voters. Our analysis is consistent with other instances from Armenia&rsquo;s recent history where the ruling regime has manipulated the polls for its own benefit.&rdquo;</p><p>The report serves as a reminder of the degree and sophistication of election fraud in Armenia and a warning that a much stronger monitoring and recount efforts are needed to put a dent in the Sargsyan administration&rsquo;s election fraud machine to influence an otherwise predictable outcome.</p><p>While Armenia presents itself as an electoral democracy, the experience of the past quarter century has shown that conventional political mechanisms for change in Armenia are broken. Elections have merely become a tool of authoritarian power holders&rsquo; attempts to legitimize their rule. In this regard, PFA welcomes the recent <strong><a href=\"https://www.pf-armenia.org/sites/default/files/documents/files/December%202016%20Special%20Report.pdf\">statement </a></strong>by the US Embassy in Yerevan suggesting that the existence of electoral fraud in Armenia is &ldquo;a matter of political will.&rdquo;</p><p>The 4-day war in April and July events in Yerevan demonstrated that the social contract between the Sargsyan administration and people of Armenia is broken. While the population at large has endured substandard social conditions and human rights abuses as the price for peace in Artsakh and some economic growth, it has become clear that the Sargsyan administration is no longer capable of delivering on its part of the bargain. The events also showed that there exist political and societal forces in Armenia, who will go to great lengths to try to stop Armenia&rsquo;s slide towards dictatorship and total control by Russia.</p><p>More than a new constitution Armenia needs a new breed of leaders with education, integrity, and vision, who could turn the existing laws into a workable mechanism for providing the good democratic governance required for the development, prosperity, and security of our homeland. The current status quo is unsustainable and will undoubtedly lead to new instability and social upheaval.&nbsp;</p><p style=\"text-align: center;\">* * *</p><p>Policy Forum Armenia is a 501(c)3 non-profit think tank aimed at strengthening discourse on Armenia&#39;s economic development and national security and, through that, helping to shape public policy in Armenia. This Special Report and other PFA reports, which provide assessments of critical developments taking place in Armenia and the Diaspora, are available via https://www.pf-armenia.org/.&nbsp;</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>PFA Executive Board</p><p>Washington, DC</p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 758, 1558, 'und', 0, '<p>For Immediate Release</p><p><span style=\"text-align: right;\">December 6, 2016</span></p><p>Contact:&nbsp;<a href=\"mailto:forum@pf-armenia.org\">forum@pf-armenia.org</a><br /> Web:&nbsp;<a href=\"http://www.pf-armenia.org/\">http://www.pf-armenia.org</a></p><p>December 6, 2016 marks the first anniversary of the 2015 Constitutional Referendum in Armenia. On that date, citizens of Armenia went to the polling stations to express their views on constitutional amendments proposed by the executive branch, aimed at transforming the country&rsquo;s governance structure from a presidential to a parliamentary system.&nbsp;</p><p>The referendum was seen by critics as an avenue for perpetuating the rule of Serge Sargsyan&mdash;who occupies the president&rsquo;s office following two fraudulent elections and cannot run for a third term&mdash;by making him Prime Minister with stronger powers for an indefinite period. Sargsyan&rsquo;s rule since 2008 has been marred by an unprecedented degree of systemic corruption, cronyism, and poor economic/developmental policy-making, providing ground for skepticism toward the constitutional reforms package spearheaded by him.</p><p>Policy Forum Armenia&rsquo;s <a href=\"https://www.pf-armenia.org/sites/default/files/documents/files/December%202016%20Special%20Report_0.pdf\"><strong>Special Report &ldquo;Armenia&rsquo;s 2015 Constitutional Referendum&rdquo;</strong></a> issued today provides evidence of systemic election fraud that took place on December 6, 2015. Specifically, it provides detailed statistical and econometric evidence, which can be summarized as follows:</p><ul><li>The officially reported voter turnout is unrealistically high and grossly misrepresents the reality on the ground.</li><li>Statistical distribution of the Yes and No votes are highly abnormal. The distribution of the Yes vote is the most anomalous of any pro-government vote cast since 2008.</li><li>Abnormally high voter turnout benefited the (pro-government) Yes vote.</li><li>The (artificially inflated) voter turnout is correlated with factors that are highly susceptible to fraud.</li><li>There exists a sizable and statistically significant &ldquo;observer effect&rdquo;, which indicates presence of fraud.</li><li>The share of invalid ballots is correlated with the (pro-opposition) NO vote, suggesting strategic behavior and fraud.</li></ul><p>International and local observers as well as numerous eyewitness accounts and social media reports support our empirical findings, that is, the presence of widespread irregularities and systemic fraud during the Referendum. The integrity of the process was clearly jeopardized and the final outcome did not express the will of people of Armenia.</p><p>As noted by PFA Executive Board member Dr. Zaven Kalayjian: &ldquo;Based on the results provided in our report, the Constitutional amendments suggested by Sargsyan administration were in all likelihood rejected by the Armenian voters. Our analysis is consistent with other instances from Armenia&rsquo;s recent history where the ruling regime has manipulated the polls for its own benefit.&rdquo;</p><p>The report serves as a reminder of the degree and sophistication of election fraud in Armenia and a warning that a much stronger monitoring and recount efforts are needed to put a dent in the Sargsyan administration&rsquo;s election fraud machine to influence an otherwise predictable outcome.</p><p>While Armenia presents itself as an electoral democracy, the experience of the past quarter century has shown that conventional political mechanisms for change in Armenia are broken. Elections have merely become a tool of authoritarian power holders&rsquo; attempts to legitimize their rule. In this regard, PFA welcomes the recent <strong><a href=\"https://www.pf-armenia.org/sites/default/files/documents/files/December%202016%20Special%20Report.pdf\">statement </a></strong>by the US Embassy in Yerevan suggesting that the existence of electoral fraud in Armenia is &ldquo;a matter of political will.&rdquo;</p><p>The 4-day war in April and July events in Yerevan demonstrated that the social contract between the Sargsyan administration and people of Armenia is broken. While the population at large has endured substandard social conditions and human rights abuses as the price for peace in Artsakh and some economic growth, it has become clear that the Sargsyan administration is no longer capable of delivering on its part of the bargain. The events also showed that there exist political and societal forces in Armenia, who will go to great lengths to try to stop Armenia&rsquo;s slide towards dictatorship and total control by Russia.</p><p>More than a new constitution Armenia needs a new breed of leaders with education, integrity, and vision, who could turn the existing laws into a workable mechanism for providing the good democratic governance required for the development, prosperity, and security of our homeland. The current status quo is unsustainable and will undoubtedly lead to new instability and social upheaval.&nbsp;</p><p style=\"text-align: center;\">* * *</p><p>Policy Forum Armenia is a 501(c)3 non-profit think tank aimed at strengthening discourse on Armenia&#39;s economic development and national security and, through that, helping to shape public policy in Armenia. This Special Report and other PFA reports, which provide assessments of critical developments taking place in Armenia and the Diaspora, are available via https://www.pf-armenia.org/.&nbsp;</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>PFA Executive Board</p><p>Washington, DC</p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 758, 1559, 'und', 0, '<p>For Immediate Release</p><p><span style=\"text-align: right;\">December 6, 2016</span></p><p>Contact:&nbsp;<a href=\"mailto:forum@pf-armenia.org\">forum@pf-armenia.org</a><br /> Web:&nbsp;<a href=\"http://www.pf-armenia.org/\">http://www.pf-armenia.org</a></p><p>December 6, 2016 marks the first anniversary of the 2015 Constitutional Referendum in Armenia. On that date, citizens of Armenia went to the polling stations to express their views on constitutional amendments proposed by the executive branch, aimed at transforming the country&rsquo;s governance structure from a presidential to a parliamentary system.&nbsp;</p><p>The referendum was seen by critics as an avenue for perpetuating the rule of Serge Sargsyan&mdash;who occupies the president&rsquo;s office following two fraudulent elections and cannot run for a third term&mdash;by making him Prime Minister with stronger powers for an indefinite period. Sargsyan&rsquo;s rule since 2008 has been marred by an unprecedented degree of systemic corruption, cronyism, and poor economic/developmental policy-making, providing ground for skepticism toward the constitutional reforms package spearheaded by him.</p><p>Policy Forum Armenia&rsquo;s <a href=\"https://www.pf-armenia.org/sites/default/files/documents/files/December%202016%20Special%20Report_0.pdf\"><strong>Special Report &ldquo;Armenia&rsquo;s 2015 Constitutional Referendum&rdquo;</strong></a> issued today provides evidence of systemic election fraud that took place on December 6, 2015. Specifically, it provides detailed statistical and econometric evidence, which can be summarized as follows:</p><ul><li>The officially reported voter turnout is unrealistically high and grossly misrepresents the reality on the ground.</li><li>Statistical distribution of the Yes and No votes are highly abnormal. The distribution of the Yes vote is the most anomalous of any pro-government votes cast since 2008.</li><li>Abnormally high voter turnout benefited the (pro-government) Yes vote.</li><li>The (artificially inflated) voter turnout is correlated with factors that are highly susceptible to fraud.</li><li>There exists a sizable and statistically significant &ldquo;observer effect&rdquo;, which indicates presence of fraud.</li><li>The share of invalid ballots is correlated with the (pro-opposition) No vote, suggesting strategic behavior and fraud.</li></ul><p>International and local observers as well as numerous eyewitness accounts and social media reports support our empirical findings, that is, the presence of widespread irregularities and systemic fraud during the Referendum. The integrity of the process was clearly jeopardized and the final outcome did not express the will of people of Armenia.</p><p>As noted by PFA Executive Board member Dr. Zaven Kalayjian: &ldquo;Based on the results provided in our report, the Constitutional amendments suggested by Sargsyan administration were in all likelihood rejected by the Armenian voters. Our analysis is consistent with other instances from Armenia&rsquo;s recent history where the ruling regime has manipulated the polls for its own benefit.&rdquo;</p><p>The report serves as a reminder of the degree and sophistication of election fraud in Armenia and a warning that a much stronger monitoring and recount efforts are needed to put a dent in the Sargsyan administration&rsquo;s election fraud machine to influence an otherwise predictable outcome.</p><p>While Armenia presents itself as an electoral democracy, the experience of the past quarter century has shown that conventional political mechanisms for change in Armenia are broken. Elections have merely become a tool of authoritarian power holders&rsquo; attempts to legitimize their rule. In this regard, PFA welcomes the recent <strong><a href=\"https://www.pf-armenia.org/sites/default/files/documents/files/December%202016%20Special%20Report.pdf\">statement </a></strong>by the US Embassy in Yerevan suggesting that the existence of electoral fraud in Armenia is &ldquo;a matter of political will.&rdquo;</p><p>The 4-day war in April and July events in Yerevan demonstrated that the social contract between the Sargsyan administration and people of Armenia is broken. While the population at large has endured substandard social conditions and human rights abuses as the price for peace in Artsakh and some economic growth, it has become clear that the Sargsyan administration is no longer capable of delivering on its part of the bargain. The events also showed that there exist political and societal forces in Armenia, who will go to great lengths to try to stop Armenia&rsquo;s slide towards dictatorship and total control by Russia.</p><p>More than a new constitution Armenia needs a new breed of leaders with education, integrity, and vision, who could turn the existing laws into a workable mechanism for providing the good democratic governance required for the development, prosperity, and security of our homeland. The current status quo is unsustainable and will undoubtedly lead to new instability and social upheaval.&nbsp;</p><p style=\"text-align: center;\">* * *</p><p>Policy Forum Armenia is a 501(c)3 non-profit think tank aimed at strengthening discourse on Armenia&#39;s economic development and national security and, through that, helping to shape public policy in Armenia. This Special Report and other PFA reports, which provide assessments of critical developments taking place in Armenia and the Diaspora, are available via https://www.pf-armenia.org/.&nbsp;</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>PFA Executive Board</p><p>Washington, DC</p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 758, 1560, 'und', 0, '<p>For Immediate Release</p><p><span style=\"text-align: right;\">December 6, 2016</span></p><p>Contact:&nbsp;<a href=\"mailto:forum@pf-armenia.org\">forum@pf-armenia.org</a><br /> Web:&nbsp;<a href=\"http://www.pf-armenia.org/\">http://www.pf-armenia.org</a></p><p>December 6, 2016 marks the first anniversary of the 2015 Constitutional Referendum in Armenia. On that date, citizens of Armenia went to the polling stations to express their views on constitutional amendments proposed by the executive branch, aimed at transforming the country&rsquo;s governance structure from a presidential to a parliamentary system.&nbsp;</p><p>The referendum was seen by critics as an avenue for perpetuating the rule of Serge Sargsyan&mdash;who occupies the president&rsquo;s office following two fraudulent elections and cannot run for a third term&mdash;by making him Prime Minister with stronger powers for an indefinite period. Sargsyan&rsquo;s rule since 2008 has been marred by an unprecedented degree of systemic corruption, cronyism, and poor economic/developmental policy-making, providing ground for skepticism toward the constitutional reforms package spearheaded by him.</p><p>Policy Forum Armenia&rsquo;s <a href=\"https://www.pf-armenia.org/sites/default/files/documents/files/December%202016%20Special%20Report_0.pdf\"><strong>Special Report &ldquo;Armenia&rsquo;s 2015 Constitutional Referendum&rdquo;</strong></a> issued today provides evidence of systemic election fraud that took place on December 6, 2015. Specifically, it provides detailed statistical and econometric evidence, which can be summarized as follows:</p><ul><li>The officially reported voter turnout is unrealistically high and grossly misrepresents the reality on the ground.</li><li>Statistical distribution of the Yes and No votes are highly abnormal. The distribution of the Yes vote is the most anomalous of any pro-government vote cast since 2008.</li><li>Abnormally high voter turnout benefited the (pro-government) Yes vote.</li><li>The (artificially inflated) voter turnout is correlated with factors that are highly susceptible to fraud.</li><li>There exists a sizable and statistically significant &ldquo;observer effect&rdquo;, which indicates presence of fraud.</li><li>The share of invalid ballots is correlated with the (pro-opposition) No vote, suggesting strategic behavior and fraud.</li></ul><p>International and local observers as well as numerous eyewitness accounts and social media reports support our empirical findings, that is, the presence of widespread irregularities and systemic fraud during the Referendum. The integrity of the process was clearly jeopardized and the final outcome did not express the will of people of Armenia.</p><p>As noted by PFA Executive Board member Dr. Zaven Kalayjian: &ldquo;Based on the results provided in our report, the Constitutional amendments suggested by Sargsyan administration were in all likelihood rejected by the Armenian voters. Our analysis is consistent with other instances from Armenia&rsquo;s recent history where the ruling regime has manipulated the polls for its own benefit.&rdquo;</p><p>The report serves as a reminder of the degree and sophistication of election fraud in Armenia and a warning that a much stronger monitoring and recount efforts are needed to put a dent in the Sargsyan administration&rsquo;s election fraud machine to influence an otherwise predictable outcome.</p><p>While Armenia presents itself as an electoral democracy, the experience of the past quarter century has shown that conventional political mechanisms for change in Armenia are broken. Elections have merely become a tool of authoritarian power holders&rsquo; attempts to legitimize their rule. In this regard, PFA welcomes the recent <strong><a href=\"https://www.pf-armenia.org/sites/default/files/documents/files/December%202016%20Special%20Report.pdf\">statement </a></strong>by the US Embassy in Yerevan suggesting that the existence of electoral fraud in Armenia is &ldquo;a matter of political will.&rdquo;</p><p>The 4-day war in April and July events in Yerevan demonstrated that the social contract between the Sargsyan administration and people of Armenia is broken. While the population at large has endured substandard social conditions and human rights abuses as the price for peace in Artsakh and some economic growth, it has become clear that the Sargsyan administration is no longer capable of delivering on its part of the bargain. The events also showed that there exist political and societal forces in Armenia, who will go to great lengths to try to stop Armenia&rsquo;s slide towards dictatorship and total control by Russia.</p><p>More than a new constitution Armenia needs a new breed of leaders with education, integrity, and vision, who could turn the existing laws into a workable mechanism for providing the good democratic governance required for the development, prosperity, and security of our homeland. The current status quo is unsustainable and will undoubtedly lead to new instability and social upheaval.&nbsp;</p><p style=\"text-align: center;\">* * *</p><p>Policy Forum Armenia is a 501(c)3 non-profit think tank aimed at strengthening discourse on Armenia&#39;s economic development and national security and, through that, helping to shape public policy in Armenia. This Special Report and other PFA reports, which provide assessments of critical developments taking place in Armenia and the Diaspora, are available via https://www.pf-armenia.org/.&nbsp;</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>PFA Executive Board</p><p>Washington, DC</p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'document', 0, 759, 1554, 'und', 0, '<p>December 6, 2016 marks the first anniversary of the 2015 Constitutional Referendum in Armenia. On that date, citizens of Armenia went to the polling stations to express their views on constitutional amendments proposed by the executive branch, aimed at transforming the country&rsquo;s governance structure from a presidential to a parliamentary system. The referendum was seen by critics as an avenue for perpetuating the rule of Serge Sargsyan&mdash;who occupies the president&rsquo;s office following two fraudulent elections and cannot run for a third term&mdash;by making him Prime Minister with stronger powers for an indefinite period. Sargsyan&rsquo;s rule since 2008 has been marred by an unprecedented degree of systemic corruption, cronyism, and poor economic/developmental policy-making. PFA&rsquo;s Special Report on &ldquo;Armenia&rsquo;s 2015 Constitutional Referendum&rdquo; provides evidence of systemic election fraud that took place during the Referendum. It should serve as a reminder of the degree and sophistication of election fraud in Armenia and a warning that a much stronger monitoring and recount efforts are needed to put a dent in the Sargsyan administration&rsquo;s election fraud machine to influence an otherwise predictable outcome during the April 2017 parliamentary elections.</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p><strong><a href=\"https://www.pf-armenia.org/sites/default/files/documents/files/Rapport%20Spe%CC%81cial%202015%20%28French%20Translation%29_2.pdf\">French version of the Report</a></strong></p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'profile', 0, 760, 1561, 'und', 0, 'Kristin Cavoukian holds a doctorate in political science from the University of Toronto, where she works as an adjunct instructor. Her research focuses on the Armenia-diaspora relationship, with emphasis on Armenians in the former Soviet space. Her current book project is entitled, “Identity Gerrymandering: How the Armenian State Constructs and Controls ‘Its’ Diaspora.”', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 762, 1563, 'und', 0, '<p>To help enhance the integrity of election process in Armenia, Policy Forum Armenia, Transparency International Anticorruption Center, and Citizen Observer Initiative, with the financial support of the European Endowment for Democracy, developed a database entitled the &ldquo;Wall of Election Falsifiers.&rdquo;</p><p>It is available at <a href=\"https://transparency.am/en/elections/falsifiers\">https://transparency.am/en/elections/falsifiers</a> and includes information about 72 individuals and violations they committed during Armenia&rsquo;s December 2015 Constitutional referendum.</p><p>The Wall features members of electoral commissions, election proxies as well as individuals without a formal role in the process. It contains data about the individuals&rsquo; profession, work place, position, photo, the polling station where the violations took place, description of the violation, registration of the complaints related to the violation and/or initiation of criminal proceedings and the process of the legal case, in many cases accompanied by photo and video evidence.</p><p>Finally, information collected by the Citizen Observer Initiative, media coverage, and the official data published by law enforcement agencies was used for the compilation of the Wall. Based on our research, we:</p><p>* Strongly urge the Central Electoral Commission to prevent individuals contained in the Wall from involvement in election commissions or having any other role in the electoral process;</p><p>* Encourage the media, election observer groups, and individual voters to seek out those individuals to help safeguard the electoral process during the upcoming elections of the National Assembly on April 2 2017 and beyond;</p><p>* Call upon the foreign embassies and organizations accredited in the Republic of Armenia, who help pursue democracy and the rule of law in Armenia, to take note of the Wall in order to block individuals contained therein from receiving any funding from them and to consider imposing other sanctions.</p><p>The Transparency Internation press release can be found <a href=\"https://transparency.am/en/news/view/1895\">here</a>.</p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 762, 1564, 'und', 0, '<p>To help enhance the integrity of election process in Armenia, Policy Forum Armenia, Transparency International Anticorruption Center, and Citizen Observer Initiative, with the financial support of the European Endowment for Democracy, developed a database entitled the &ldquo;Wall of Election Falsifiers.&rdquo;</p><p>It is available at <a href=\"https://transparency.am/en/elections/falsifiers\">https://transparency.am/en/elections/falsifiers</a> and includes information about 72 individuals and violations they committed during Armenia&rsquo;s December 2015 Constitutional referendum.</p><p>The Wall features members of electoral commissions, election proxies as well as individuals without a formal role in the process. It contains data about the individuals&rsquo; profession, work place, position, photo, the polling station where the violations took place, description of the violation, registration of the complaints related to the violation and/or initiation of criminal proceedings and the process of the legal case, in many cases accompanied by photo and video evidence.</p><p>Finally, information collected by the Citizen Observer Initiative, media coverage, and the official data published by law enforcement agencies was used for the compilation of the Wall. Based on our research, we:</p><ul><li>Strongly urge the Central Electoral Commission to prevent individuals contained in the Wall from involvement in election commissions or having any other role in the electoral process;</li><li>Encourage the media, election observer groups, and individual voters to seek out those individuals to help safeguard the electoral process during the upcoming elections of the National Assembly on April 2 2017 and beyond;</li><li>Call upon the foreign embassies and organizations accredited in the Republic of Armenia, who help pursue democracy and the rule of law in Armenia, to take note of the Wall in order to block individuals contained therein from receiving any funding from them and to consider imposing other sanctions.</li></ul><p>The Transparency Internation press release can be found <a href=\"https://transparency.am/en/news/view/1895\">here</a>.</p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 762, 1566, 'und', 0, '<p>To help enhance the integrity of election process in Armenia, Policy Forum Armenia, Transparency International Anticorruption Center, and Citizen Observer Initiative, with the financial support of the European Endowment for Democracy, developed a database entitled the &ldquo;Wall of Election Falsifiers.&rdquo;</p><p>It is available at <a href=\"https://transparency.am/en/elections/falsifiers\">https://transparency.am/en/elections/falsifiers</a> and includes information about 72 individuals and violations they committed during Armenia&rsquo;s December 2015 Constitutional referendum.</p><p>The Wall features members of electoral commissions, election proxies as well as individuals without a formal role in the process. It contains data about the individuals&rsquo; profession, work place, position, photo, the polling station where the violations took place, description of the violation, registration of the complaints related to the violation and/or initiation of criminal proceedings and the process of the legal case, in many cases accompanied by photo and video evidence.</p><p>Finally, information collected by the Citizen Observer Initiative, media coverage, and the official data published by law enforcement agencies was used for the compilation of the Wall. Based on our research, we:</p><ul><li>Strongly urge the Central Electoral Commission to prevent individuals contained in the Wall from involvement in election commissions or having any other role in the electoral process;</li><li>Encourage the media, election observer groups, and individual voters to seek out those individuals to help safeguard the electoral process during the upcoming elections of the National Assembly on April 2 2017 and beyond;</li><li>Call upon the foreign embassies and organizations accredited in the Republic of Armenia, who help pursue democracy and the rule of law in Armenia, to take note of the Wall in order to block individuals contained therein from receiving any funding from them and to consider imposing other sanctions.</li></ul><p>The Transparency Internation press release can be found <a href=\"https://transparency.am/en/news/view/1895\">here</a>.</p>', '', 'full_html');
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('node', 'press_release', 0, 762, 1568, 'und', 0, '<p>To help enhance the integrity of election process in Armenia, Policy Forum Armenia, Transparency International Anticorruption Center, and Citizen Observer Initiative, with the financial support of the European Endowment for Democracy, developed a database entitled the &ldquo;Wall of Election Falsifiers.&rdquo;</p><p>It is available at <a href=\"https://transparency.am/en/elections/falsifiers\">https://transparency.am/en/elections/falsifiers</a> and includes information about 72 individuals and violations they committed during Armenia&rsquo;s December 2015 Constitutional referendum.</p><p>The Wall features members of electoral commissions, election proxies as well as individuals without a formal role in the process. It contains data about the individuals&rsquo; profession, work place, position, photo, the polling station where the violations took place, description of the violation, registration of the complaints related to the violation and/or initiation of criminal proceedings and the process of the legal case, in many cases accompanied by photo and video evidence.</p><p>Finally, information collected by the Citizen Observer Initiative, media coverage, and the official data published by law enforcement agencies was used for the compilation of the Wall. Based on our research, we:</p><ul><li>Strongly urge the Central Electoral Commission to prevent individuals contained in the Wall from involvement in election commissions or having any other role in the electoral process;</li><li>Encourage the media, election observer groups, and individual voters to seek out those individuals to help safeguard the electoral process during the upcoming elections of the National Assembly on April 2 2017 and beyond;</li><li>Call upon the foreign embassies and organizations accredited in the Republic of Armenia, who help pursue democracy and the rule of law in Armenia, to take note of the Wall in order to block individuals contained therein from receiving any funding from them and to consider imposing other sanctions.</li></ul><p>The Armenian version of the press release can be found <a href=\"https://transparency.am/hy/news/view/1895\">here</a>.</p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 762, 1569, 'und', 0, '<p>To help enhance the integrity of election process in Armenia, Policy Forum Armenia, Transparency International Anticorruption Center, and Citizen Observer Initiative, with the financial support of the European Endowment for Democracy, developed a database entitled the &ldquo;Wall of Election Falsifiers.&rdquo;</p><p>It is available at <a href=\"https://transparency.am/en/elections/falsifiers\">https://transparency.am/en/elections/falsifiers</a> and includes information about 72 individuals and violations they committed during Armenia&rsquo;s December 2015 Constitutional referendum.</p><p>The Wall features members of electoral commissions, election proxies as well as individuals without a formal role in the process. It contains data about the individuals&rsquo; profession, work place, position, photo, the polling station where the violations took place, description of the violation, registration of the complaints related to the violation and/or initiation of criminal proceedings and the process of the legal case, in many cases accompanied by photo and video evidence.</p><p>Finally, information collected by the Citizen Observer Initiative, media coverage, and the official data published by law enforcement agencies was used for the compilation of the Wall. Based on our research, we:</p><ul><li>Strongly urge the Central Electoral Commission to prevent individuals contained in the Wall from involvement in election commissions or having any other role in the electoral process;</li><li>Encourage the media, election observer groups, and individual voters to seek out those individuals to help safeguard the electoral process during the upcoming elections of the National Assembly on April 2 2017 and beyond;</li><li>Call upon the foreign embassies and organizations accredited in the Republic of Armenia, who help pursue democracy and the rule of law in Armenia, to take note of the Wall in order to block individuals contained therein from receiving any funding from them and to consider imposing other sanctions.</li></ul><p>The Armenian version of the press release can be found <a href=\"https://transparency.am/hy/news/view/1895\">here</a>.</p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 762, 1574, 'und', 0, '<p>To help enhance the integrity of election process in Armenia, Policy Forum Armenia, Transparency International Anticorruption Center, and Citizen Observer Initiative, with the financial support of the European Endowment for Democracy, developed a database entitled the &ldquo;Wall of Election Falsifiers.&rdquo;</p><p>It is available at <a href=\"https://transparency.am/en/elections/falsifiers\">https://transparency.am/en/elections/falsifiers</a> and includes information about 72 individuals and violations they committed during Armenia&rsquo;s December 2015 Constitutional referendum.</p><p>The Wall features members of electoral commissions, election proxies as well as individuals without a formal role in the process. It contains data about the individuals&rsquo; profession, work place, position, photo, the polling station where the violations took place, description of the violation, registration of the complaints related to the violation and/or initiation of criminal proceedings and the process of the legal case, in many cases accompanied by photo and video evidence.</p><p>Finally, information collected by the Citizen Observer Initiative, media coverage, and the official data published by law enforcement agencies was used for the compilation of the Wall. Based on our research, we:</p><ul><li>Strongly urge the Central Electoral Commission to prevent individuals contained in the Wall from involvement in election commissions or having any other role in the electoral process;</li><li>Encourage the media, election observer groups, and individual voters to seek out those individuals to help safeguard the electoral process during the upcoming elections of the National Assembly on April 2 2017 and beyond;</li><li>Call upon the foreign embassies and organizations accredited in the Republic of Armenia, who help pursue democracy and the rule of law in Armenia, to take note of the Wall in order to block individuals contained therein from receiving any funding from them and to consider imposing other sanctions.</li></ul><p>The Armenian version of the press release can be found <a href=\"https://transparency.am/hy/news/view/1895\">here</a>.</p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 764, 1570, 'und', 0, 'FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE\r\nJuly 17, 2017\r\n\r\nOn the anniversary of the takeover of Erebuni police station in Yerevan by “Sasna Tsrer”, we reiterate our commitment to the ideal of a free and independent Armenia, where every citizen is treated equally by the law and the government has the best interest of the country at heart.\r\n\r\nWe note that systemic corruption and human rights abuses regularly committed by the ruling regime will continue to produce resistance by Armenia’s citizenry, a right given to them by the Constitution and the history of developed nations worldwide.\r\n\r\nWe join the Armenian Bar Association in demanding to halt police brutality and abuse against “Sasna Tsrer” and other political prisoners, as well as members of their legal defense teams and supporters.\r\n\r\nWe urge the US authorities to pressure the Armenian regime to free activist and lawyer Garo Yegnukian, a US citizen and a father of five, from a year-long unlawful detention.\r\n\r\nFinally, we call on Armenians around the world to support Armenia’s civil society groups in their effort to reinstate the rule of law and help Armenia regain its sovereignty.\r\n\r\nPFA Executive Board\r\nWashington, DC', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 764, 1571, 'und', 0, 'FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE\r\nJuly 17, 2017\r\n\r\nOn the anniversary of the takeover of Erebuni police station in Yerevan by “Sasna Tsrer”, we reiterate our commitment to the ideal of a free and independent Armenia, where every citizen is treated equally by the law and the government has the best interest of the country at heart.\r\n\r\nWe note that systemic corruption and human rights abuses regularly committed by the ruling regime will continue to produce resistance by Armenia’s citizenry, a right given to them by the Constitution and the history of developed nations worldwide.\r\n\r\nWe join the Armenian Bar Association in demanding to halt police brutality and abuse against “Sasna Tsrer” and other political prisoners, as well as members of their legal defense teams and supporters.\r\n\r\nWe urge the US authorities to pressure the Armenian regime to free activist and lawyer Garo Yegnukian, a US citizen and a father of five, from a year-long unlawful detention.\r\n\r\nFinally, we call on Armenians around the world to support Armenia’s civil society groups in their effort to reinstate the rule of law and help Armenia regain its sovereignty.\r\n\r\nPFA Executive Board\r\nWashington, DC', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 764, 1572, 'und', 0, 'FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE\r\nJuly 17, 2017\r\n\r\nOn the anniversary of the takeover of Erebuni police station in Yerevan by “Sasna Tsrer”, we reiterate our commitment to the ideal of a free and independent Armenia, where every citizen is treated equally by the law and the government has the best interest of the country at heart.\r\n\r\nWe note that systemic corruption and human rights abuses regularly committed by the ruling regime will continue to produce resistance by Armenia’s citizenry, a right given to them by the Constitution and the history of developed nations worldwide.\r\n\r\nWe join the Armenian Bar Association in demanding to halt police brutality and abuse against “Sasna Tsrer” and other political prisoners, as well as members of their legal defense teams and supporters.\r\n\r\nWe urge the US authorities to pressure the Armenian regime to free activist and lawyer Garo Yegnukian, a US citizen and a father of five, from a year-long unlawful detention.\r\n\r\nFinally, we call on Armenians around the world to support Armenia’s civil society groups in their effort to reinstate the rule of law and help Armenia regain its sovereignty.\r\n\r\nPFA Executive Board\r\nWashington, DC', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 764, 1573, 'und', 0, 'FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE\r\nJuly 17, 2017\r\n\r\nOn the anniversary of the takeover of Erebuni police station in Yerevan by “Sasna Tsrer”, we reiterate our commitment to the ideal of a free and independent Armenia, where every citizen is treated equally by the law and the government has the best interest of the country at heart.\r\n\r\nWe note that systemic corruption and human rights abuses regularly committed by the ruling regime will continue to produce resistance by Armenia’s citizenry, a right given to them by the Constitution and the history of developed nations worldwide.\r\n\r\nWe join the Armenian Bar Association in demanding to halt police brutality and abuse against “Sasna Tsrer” and other political prisoners, as well as members of their legal defense teams and supporters.\r\n\r\nWe urge the US authorities to pressure the Armenian regime to free activist and lawyer Garo Yegnukian, a US citizen and a father of five, from a year-long unlawful detention.\r\n\r\nFinally, we call on Armenians around the world to support Armenia’s civil society groups in their effort to reinstate the rule of law and help Armenia regain its sovereignty.\r\n\r\nPFA Executive Board\r\nWashington, DC', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'news', 0, 765, 1575, 'und', 0, 'EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: \r\n\r\nIn late 2015, the ruling Republican Party of Armenia (HHK) pushed through wide-ranging constitutional changes to transform the country from a semi-presidential to a parliamentary republic by 2018. The December 2015 referendum on the changes was heavily contested, and international and local observers documented serious violations, including alteration of voting results at the precinct level, by HHK supporters to ensure the referendum’s passage. The year 2016 was supposed to be dedicated to smooth preparation for the 2017 parliamentary elections, which HHK has been confident of winning in the absence of any effective opposition. Instead, it was an unprecedented year full of crisis and upheavals in which both external and internal actors challenged Armenia’s equilibrium.\r\n\r\nIn April, Azerbaijan launched an attack of surprising intensity and temporary effectiveness on the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, a de facto independent state internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan and supported by the Republic of Armenia. Although the most intense fighting lasted only four days, Azerbaijan’s assault had significant political repercussions in Armenia, generating a public outcry over corruption in the military and shattering trust in the Armenian authorities’ ability to ensure security.\r\n\r\nWithin a few months, the “four-day war,” as the escalation came to be called, generated serious political aftershocks. On 17 July, a small group of veterans of the 1992–94 war in Nagorno-Karabakh, the Sasna Tsrer, who are associated with the radical opposition movement Founding Parliament, seized a police station in the Erebuni district of Yerevan, killing two police officers and taking hostages. The hostage takers demanded the release of their leader, who had been arrested in June, and the resignation of Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan. The Sasna Tsrer justified their actions by blaming the country’s leadership for incompetence in handling the war and international negotiations over the future of Nagorno-Karabakh. In what is becoming a pattern, a small group of nonviolent protesters gathered in the streets in sympathy with these criticisms only to meet a violent crackdown by police, which in turn brought thousands more into the streets. Protests only diminished after a large scale violent police operation in Sari Tagh neighborhood in July 28th that resulted dozens of injured protesters. The hostage takers surrendered on July 31.\r\n\r\nThe inept handling of the protests and the country’s poor economic performance resulted in the president drastically changing the cabinet in September, including replacing the prime minister. The appointment of new faces to key positions, and their promises of rapid reform in the fields of economy and governance, as well as some initial actions, had an appeasing effect, at least in the short term. These major changes were also perceived as a move to improve the HHK’s image with fresh faces in advance of the crucial parliamentary elections in April 2017, and to advance cadres loyal to President Sargsyan.\r\n\r\nDespite these setbacks, the HHK and Sargsyan remained dominant. Indeed, in some ways the crisis strengthened their support from certain opposition parties: for example, the opposition Armenian National Congress and its leader, Armenia’s first president Levon Ter-Petrosyan, agreed to support Sargsyan following the four day war. HHK’s dominance, as well as occasional concessions and cooperation with different opposition parliamentary parties, enabled HHK to pass important legislative changes building on the constitutional referendum of 2015 that will redefine the most important formal rules of the game for the upcoming years. Some of the changes were improvements (further liberalization of reporting and funding of nongovernmental organizations, criminal punishment for officials’ illicit enrichment, publication of signed voter lists, etc.) or at least eliminated harmful regulations, such as those partially removing limitations on observer and journalist access at polling stations. However, a majority of the legislative changes were drafted behind closed doors and quickly passed in the parliament without sufficient time for political parties and civic society organizations to have meaningful discussions and input. The changes in 2016 codified a new system of apportioning seats following parliamentary elections that will likely result in the HHK retaining its power even if it underperforms expectations.\r\n\r\nAs the country prepares for parliamentary elections in April 2017, a newer generation of politicians is attempting to establish a different type of political parties based on grassroots support, more accountable and transparent operations, inclusion of a new generation of politically active groups, and mass fundraising. Nonetheless, it seems the elections are going to be largely contested between the representatives of the old guard, led by the same cast of economically and politically influential individuals and their family members as before.\r\n\r\nOutlook for 2017: With the new constitution having shifted power to the parliament, the parliamentary elections scheduled for April will be the most important event of the upcoming year. The fragmented and disorganized opposition might attempt to change the dynamic in the upcoming months, but it is unlikely to be able to oust the ruling HHK due to the formal and informal rules of the game. If the HHK succeeds in the parliamentary elections, the power struggle within the party will become the main topic for attention, since it will determine the trajectory of the country’s leadership and development for the next five years. Armenia’s poor economic performance as well as regional instability will continue to contribute to the volatility of the system.\r\n\r\nFor the full test visit: https://freedomhouse.org/report/nations-transit/2017/armenia ', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'profile', 0, 766, 1577, 'und', 0, 'Astghik Grigoryan is a legal analyst with A. J. Gallagher, a Fortune 500 global HR and Risk Management Company. She analyses and reports on social security, pension systems, employee benefits, and global mobility laws and regulations in 21 countries.  Previously she had been consulting with the World Bank, Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, USAID and Millennium Challenge Corporation. Astghik also held posts in the Government of Armenia. She holds LLM in Comparative Constitutional Law from Central European University and MA in International Relations and Political Science from the American University of Armenia.', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'news', 0, 767, 1578, 'und', 0, '<p><em>By Philippe Raffi Kalfayan (reprinted from the Armenian Mirror-Spectator)</em></p><p>Recent news from Armenia is rather distressing. We witnessed the selection of a single candidate and his election as president of the Republic of Armenia by the sole will of the Prince. Choosing the prime minister will take place only after April 9, when the current president&rsquo;s term will end, and Parliament will have eight days to propose candidates and elect one. Already, the Republican Party of Armenia (RPA) has announced that it supports the principle of an open and nominal ballot, which is a considerable means of pressure on the deputies. The votes of the Republican Party and those of its ally, the Dashnak Party, form a majority at the Parliament and that leaves little doubt about their candidate&rsquo;s election. In the run-up to joining the coalition, the ARF insisted on the necessity to reform the constitution and strengthen democratic governance through transition from a semi-presidential regime to a parliamentary one. The present scenario comes to prove that democracy has once more been defeated. In addition, it perpetuates the contempt against the citizens, weakens the image of Armenia on the international arena, and weakens its leaders, including the new president, domestically and abroad.</p><p><strong>A president with a considerably affected legitimacy</strong></p><p>The Minister of Justice, who led all the legislative drafting efforts to comply with the new constitution, says Armenia considers credible the statement of President-elect Armen Sarkissian that he renounced his British citizenship in 2011 and adds that no further confirmation would be needed, in any case, from another country because Armenia is a sovereign state. This statement is not only an affront to the good sense of the whole Armenian nation, it is also characteristic of the opacity of political life in Armenia, and it is, above all, a thinly-veiled admission that the elected president does not satisfy one of the requirements of the new Constitution: to have been a citizen only of the Republic of Armenia for the last six years. A quick analysis supports that assertion: (1) in 2011, it is unlikely that Armen Sarkissian could foresee that the new Constitution would be adopted in 2015 and that it would be chosen by President Serzh Sargsyan in 2017; (2) who can believe for a moment that he renounced his British citizenship in 2011 and convinced Prince Charles to visit Armenia in 2013, a chain of events that would have been shocking to say the least for the British Crown? (3) Having lived in Britain for the last 30 years (with the exception of the period when he was Prime Minister), he is likely to return to live in the UK sooner or later.</p><p>A coalition of NGOs also reacted on March 5 to the news about the failure of new president &ldquo;to dispel the doubts about his citizenship&rdquo; (Read Transparency statement).</p><p>Lawyer Vahé Grigoryan supports a more daring analysis, which relates to the process of electing the new president (see http://www.ilur.am/news/view/66500.html; http://www.ilur.am /news/view/66627.html; http://www.ilur.am/news/view/66818.html). He considers that the new Constitution is not yet in force, and that consequently the election of the President should have been in accordance with the terms of the 2005 Constitution, namely by the direct vote of the population, and not by not by Parliament, which would have exceeded its constitutional powers as defined in 2005.</p><p>Whatever the angle of analysis, and whatever his personal qualifications and skills, which are not in question, the new president starts his mandate with a handicap: an illegitimate election. Moreover, Britain&rsquo;s diplomatic silence on the status of his citizenship can become a weapon that can be used against him. Domestically it can reduce his ability to manoeuver compared to his predecessors while internationally, in terms of foreign policy, it poses an even bigger threat.</p><p><strong>Sovereignty for the People, not the State</strong></p><p>Despite the continuously alarming diagnosis that has been repeated throughout the last 25 years of the Third Republic of Armenia, the population hemorrhage continues and endangers the foundations of the state. In the wake of constitutional reforms adopted in December 2015, the distressing spectacle of the election of a single candidate for the presidency, under questionable eligibility conditions, by the Armenian Parliament, the concentration of all executive and legislative powers in the hands of the future prime minister, the hidden control of the judiciary. For example, is it conceivable in a lawful state for an attorney, a member of the Bar Council, to be a partner in a company with a High Magistrate of the Court of Cassation and a Bankruptcy Judge? Lawyers defending political prisoners are caught between multiple disciplinary measures instituted by their Chamber&rsquo;s President and the new law that allows judges to directly sanction lawyers, making the performance of their duties all the more challenging economic and technical wise, with the aim of discouraging them. The overwhelmingly harsh treatment of the most radical political opponents, such as the members of the Founding Parliament, manifests the political sickness of Armenia. The propaganda of Armenian organizations and media in diaspora cannot change this cruel reality.</p><p>The disregard for the citizens is total: the economic and social conditions are such for the vast majority that everything is for sale, including the ballot papers, whether on national elections [see the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) reports for the last legislative elections and Public Forum Armenia (PFA) report for the constitutional referendum of December 2015 or on professional [the website of the Bar of Armenia mentions the financing by an Armenian sponsor of the diaspora of annual fees of hundreds of registered lawyers; this measure is unbecoming of a lawyer because it is an attack on his independence and on the very foundations of the profession. In countries where lawyers cannot fund their fees, the bar grants exemptions] or partisan elections. The clientelism in such a social environment is another form of contempt for human conscience.</p><p>The state of war with Azerbaijan and the aggressive and hateful behavior of the latter towards Armenia seems to be an effective argument to silence the diaspora on the domestic political life by brandishing its threat to national security, but it no longer interferes with the families&rsquo; willingness to leave the country and protect their children as they approach the age of conscription.</p><p>The famous French Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen of 1789 noted in its preamble that &ldquo;ignorance, oblivion, or contempt for human rights are the only cause of public misfortune and of government corruption.&rdquo; It was not until 1948 and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights that the community of states, through the United Nations, established conventions and international pacts. They have become essential legal and political instruments. They are the foundation of the rule of law. The state is recognized as the legally obliged subject and guarantor of their implementation, but the universal principles belong to the citizens and become weapons against the abuses of those who hold the powers.</p><p>It is worth remembering, as does the Constitution of the United States of America, that the people are sovereign and not the state: &ldquo;We the People of the United States &hellip; do ordain and establish this Constitution for &hellip;&rdquo;</p><p>The Universal Declaration went further and gave birth to the right to rebellion. The preamble &ldquo;considers it is essential, if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression, that human rights should be protected by the rule of law&rdquo;.</p><p><strong>Virtuous Yet Flawed UN Discourse</strong></p><p>The absence of democracy and respect for human rights refers to a certain form of structuring and formation of the state, which reflects the balance of forces and the assertion of arbitrariness.</p><p>The temptation of relativisation with Turkey and Azerbaijan in terms of human rights records is easy but not acceptable because the issue at stake is neither more nor less than the political survival of the country and its security. Some denounce human rights as a weapon used by Western states and international NGOs, and complain that there are double standards. There are many both in Armenia and in the Diaspora who regard human rights as superfluous and prefer a priority focus on economic development. The first statement contains some truth and is debatable, but is this the essential? The second statement shows an unawareness that economic, social and cultural rights are &ldquo;inseparable, interdependent, and interrelated&rdquo; with civil and political rights. The World Conference on Human Rights in 1993 enshrined this principle. Thoughtful observers know, as an example, that an Armenian entrepreneur, from Armenia or from the Diaspora, has no chance to defend his rights fairly if he is confronted with an adversarial dispute with one of the oligarchic clans that reign over the economy.</p><p>As a result of a total mistrust in the institutions and indifference to political life, citizens developed a survival reflex that is deeply individualistic and materialistic. These injustices and disparities generate individual and collective violence. The small size of the country adds to the political, economic and social pressures as well as fears of violence, especially in the provinces. The individual prefers to negotiate rather than confront. Human life has a price in prosecutors&rsquo; offices, even if this subject is taboo in Armenia. This observation is certainly dark but it is reality. And finally, there is the issue of emigration.</p><p>International aid does not solve corruption, but on the contrary, in its current form, feeds it. Tens of millions of dollars and euros are being invested unabated in justice reforms, human rights training and the establishment of the rule of law, by USAID and EUROPAID, did not help reversing the trend but just enrich Armenian civil servants and some offshore consulting companies under the tolerant eye of these international institutions.</p><p><strong>Create National Cohesion to Better Deal with External Threats</strong></p><p>The recent speeches of the Armenian Foreign Minister and President before the UN and European Assemblies promoting human rights principles are noteworthy and laudable, but what about their effective application in Armenia itself?</p><p>There is no alternative to the establishment of the rule of law in Armenia and the restoration of the sovereignty of the people. It is a small state, without energy resources, heavily indebted, without prospects for economic development at the current rate of emigration. Armenia is under the influence of the great powers; the question of Nagorno-Karabakh and its latent conflict is weighing on its diplomatic relations and on foreign investments. It is the vital interest of the Republic of Armenia to mobilize and hold together its citizens and the Diaspora around a democratic, just and sovereign society project. Domestic peace, based on values to which the whole nation adheres, is the unique remedy to economic welfare and effective ability to counter external threats.</p><p>Successive country leaders failed in this mission for different reasons and circumstances. Today it is no longer possible to ignore it. The organizations of the diaspora as well as some personalities selected as interfaces by the Armenian government turn a blind eye, hiding behind the principle of non-interference in the domestic politics of Armenia. We also witness indifference, complacency and even complicity, not to mention the personal interests of some.</p><p>The good will of associations and individuals in the diaspora, who engage selflessly, without waiting for any reward of their actions, is not questioned, but those people must face the obvious: bright projects and good intentions are not enough to stem the emigration of the population.</p><p>The actions of the commando group Sasna Tzrer and its deadly results are in itself regrettable [the circumstances of the deaths of the three police officers are still unclear], it is nonetheless understandable. It was an expression of rebellion, although one may question if the undefined criteria of tyranny and oppression were met or not. Armenians of the diaspora who have allowed themselves to judge these men, many of whom are veterans or heroes of the Karabakh war, had absolutely no right to do so; only the people living in Armenia can express themselves on this subject and they did it either by expressing their sympathy or by keeping quiet for the majority. The repression of the government was all the more strong and arbitrary against the political leaders of this movement and its supporters.</p><p>Remarkably, the murderers of March 1, 2008 demonstrators have still not been arrested and the commissioners of the attack on parliament on October 27, 1999 were never brought to justice. Meanwhile, the public prosecutor demands that Jirayr Sefilyan, Garo Yeghnukian, Gevorg Safarian, be prosecuted, seeking long prison sentences for their vehement criticism of the regime and their desire to put an end to it by organizing mass protests in 2015 or resisting the police (Safarian case).</p><p>Whichever scenario is to be played in April, this article is an appeal to the current and future leaders of Armenia and to all political forces to reconsider the mode of governance, to bring new political leadership from inside and outside Armenia, and to free, on the occasion of the implementation of the new constitution, all political prisoners.</p><p><em>(Philippe Raffi Kalfayan is a regular columnist for the Mirror-Spectator. He is an international legal expert, the former secretary general of the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), an associate researcher at the Paris Human Rights Center at the University of Paris 2 Pantheon Assas.)</em></p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'news', 0, 767, 1579, 'und', 0, '<p><em>By Philippe Raffi Kalfayan (reprinted from the Armenian Mirror-Spectator)</em></p><p>Recent news from Armenia is rather distressing. We witnessed the selection of a single candidate and his election as president of the Republic of Armenia by the sole will of the Prince. Choosing the prime minister will take place only after April 9, when the current president&rsquo;s term will end, and Parliament will have eight days to propose candidates and elect one. Already, the Republican Party of Armenia (RPA) has announced that it supports the principle of an open and nominal ballot, which is a considerable means of pressure on the deputies. The votes of the Republican Party and those of its ally, the Dashnak Party, form a majority at the Parliament and that leaves little doubt about their candidate&rsquo;s election. In the run-up to joining the coalition, the ARF insisted on the necessity to reform the constitution and strengthen democratic governance through transition from a semi-presidential regime to a parliamentary one. The present scenario comes to prove that democracy has once more been defeated. In addition, it perpetuates the contempt against the citizens, weakens the image of Armenia on the international arena, and weakens its leaders, including the new president, domestically and abroad.</p><p><strong>A president with a considerably affected legitimacy</strong></p><p>The Minister of Justice, who led all the legislative drafting efforts to comply with the new constitution, says Armenia considers credible the statement of President-elect Armen Sarkissian that he renounced his British citizenship in 2011 and adds that no further confirmation would be needed, in any case, from another country because Armenia is a sovereign state. This statement is not only an affront to the good sense of the whole Armenian nation, it is also characteristic of the opacity of political life in Armenia, and it is, above all, a thinly-veiled admission that the elected president does not satisfy one of the requirements of the new Constitution: to have been a citizen only of the Republic of Armenia for the last six years. A quick analysis supports that assertion: (1) in 2011, it is unlikely that Armen Sarkissian could foresee that the new Constitution would be adopted in 2015 and that it would be chosen by President Serzh Sargsyan in 2017; (2) who can believe for a moment that he renounced his British citizenship in 2011 and convinced Prince Charles to visit Armenia in 2013, a chain of events that would have been shocking to say the least for the British Crown? (3) Having lived in Britain for the last 30 years (with the exception of the period when he was Prime Minister), he is likely to return to live in the UK sooner or later.</p><p>A coalition of NGOs also reacted on March 5 to the news about the failure of new president &ldquo;to dispel the doubts about his citizenship&rdquo; (Read Transparency statement).</p><p>Lawyer Vahé Grigoryan supports a more daring analysis, which relates to the process of electing the new president (see http://www.ilur.am/news/view/66500.html; http://www.ilur.am /news/view/66627.html; http://www.ilur.am/news/view/66818.html). He considers that the new Constitution is not yet in force, and that consequently the election of the President should have been in accordance with the terms of the 2005 Constitution, namely by the direct vote of the population, and not by not by Parliament, which would have exceeded its constitutional powers as defined in 2005.</p><p>Whatever the angle of analysis, and whatever his personal qualifications and skills, which are not in question, the new president starts his mandate with a handicap: an illegitimate election. Moreover, Britain&rsquo;s diplomatic silence on the status of his citizenship can become a weapon that can be used against him. Domestically it can reduce his ability to manoeuver compared to his predecessors while internationally, in terms of foreign policy, it poses an even bigger threat.</p><p><strong>Sovereignty for the People, not the State</strong></p><p>Despite the continuously alarming diagnosis that has been repeated throughout the last 25 years of the Third Republic of Armenia, the population hemorrhage continues and endangers the foundations of the state. In the wake of constitutional reforms adopted in December 2015, the distressing spectacle of the election of a single candidate for the presidency, under questionable eligibility conditions, by the Armenian Parliament, the concentration of all executive and legislative powers in the hands of the future prime minister, the hidden control of the judiciary. For example, is it conceivable in a lawful state for an attorney, a member of the Bar Council, to be a partner in a company with a High Magistrate of the Court of Cassation and a Bankruptcy Judge? Lawyers defending political prisoners are caught between multiple disciplinary measures instituted by their Chamber&rsquo;s President and the new law that allows judges to directly sanction lawyers, making the performance of their duties all the more challenging economic and technical wise, with the aim of discouraging them. The overwhelmingly harsh treatment of the most radical political opponents, such as the members of the Founding Parliament, manifests the political sickness of Armenia. The propaganda of Armenian organizations and media in diaspora cannot change this cruel reality.</p><p>The disregard for the citizens is total: the economic and social conditions are such for the vast majority that everything is for sale, including the ballot papers, whether on national elections [see the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) reports for the last legislative elections and Public Forum Armenia (PFA) report for the constitutional referendum of December 2015 or on professional [the website of the Bar of Armenia mentions the financing by an Armenian sponsor of the diaspora of annual fees of hundreds of registered lawyers; this measure is unbecoming of a lawyer because it is an attack on his independence and on the very foundations of the profession. In countries where lawyers cannot fund their fees, the bar grants exemptions] or partisan elections. The clientelism in such a social environment is another form of contempt for human conscience.</p><p>The state of war with Azerbaijan and the aggressive and hateful behavior of the latter towards Armenia seems to be an effective argument to silence the diaspora on the domestic political life by brandishing its threat to national security, but it no longer interferes with the families&rsquo; willingness to leave the country and protect their children as they approach the age of conscription.</p><p>The famous French Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen of 1789 noted in its preamble that &ldquo;ignorance, oblivion, or contempt for human rights are the only cause of public misfortune and of government corruption.&rdquo; It was not until 1948 and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights that the community of states, through the United Nations, established conventions and international pacts. They have become essential legal and political instruments. They are the foundation of the rule of law. The state is recognized as the legally obliged subject and guarantor of their implementation, but the universal principles belong to the citizens and become weapons against the abuses of those who hold the powers.</p><p>It is worth remembering, as does the Constitution of the United States of America, that the people are sovereign and not the state: &ldquo;We the People of the United States &hellip; do ordain and establish this Constitution for &hellip;&rdquo;</p><p>The Universal Declaration went further and gave birth to the right to rebellion. The preamble &ldquo;considers it is essential, if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression, that human rights should be protected by the rule of law&rdquo;.</p><p><strong>Virtuous Yet Flawed UN Discourse</strong></p><p>The absence of democracy and respect for human rights refers to a certain form of structuring and formation of the state, which reflects the balance of forces and the assertion of arbitrariness.</p><p>The temptation of relativisation with Turkey and Azerbaijan in terms of human rights records is easy but not acceptable because the issue at stake is neither more nor less than the political survival of the country and its security. Some denounce human rights as a weapon used by Western states and international NGOs, and complain that there are double standards. There are many both in Armenia and in the Diaspora who regard human rights as superfluous and prefer a priority focus on economic development. The first statement contains some truth and is debatable, but is this the essential? The second statement shows an unawareness that economic, social and cultural rights are &ldquo;inseparable, interdependent, and interrelated&rdquo; with civil and political rights. The World Conference on Human Rights in 1993 enshrined this principle. Thoughtful observers know, as an example, that an Armenian entrepreneur, from Armenia or from the Diaspora, has no chance to defend his rights fairly if he is confronted with an adversarial dispute with one of the oligarchic clans that reign over the economy.</p><p>As a result of a total mistrust in the institutions and indifference to political life, citizens developed a survival reflex that is deeply individualistic and materialistic. These injustices and disparities generate individual and collective violence. The small size of the country adds to the political, economic and social pressures as well as fears of violence, especially in the provinces. The individual prefers to negotiate rather than confront. Human life has a price in prosecutors&rsquo; offices, even if this subject is taboo in Armenia. This observation is certainly dark but it is reality. And finally, there is the issue of emigration.</p><p>International aid does not solve corruption, but on the contrary, in its current form, feeds it. Tens of millions of dollars and euros are being invested unabated in justice reforms, human rights training and the establishment of the rule of law, by USAID and EUROPAID, did not help reversing the trend but just enrich Armenian civil servants and some offshore consulting companies under the tolerant eye of these international institutions.</p><p><strong>Create National Cohesion to Better Deal with External Threats</strong></p><p>The recent speeches of the Armenian Foreign Minister and President before the UN and European Assemblies promoting human rights principles are noteworthy and laudable, but what about their effective application in Armenia itself?</p><p>There is no alternative to the establishment of the rule of law in Armenia and the restoration of the sovereignty of the people. It is a small state, without energy resources, heavily indebted, without prospects for economic development at the current rate of emigration. Armenia is under the influence of the great powers; the question of Nagorno-Karabakh and its latent conflict is weighing on its diplomatic relations and on foreign investments. It is the vital interest of the Republic of Armenia to mobilize and hold together its citizens and the Diaspora around a democratic, just and sovereign society project. Domestic peace, based on values to which the whole nation adheres, is the unique remedy to economic welfare and effective ability to counter external threats.</p><p>Successive country leaders failed in this mission for different reasons and circumstances. Today it is no longer possible to ignore it. The organizations of the diaspora as well as some personalities selected as interfaces by the Armenian government turn a blind eye, hiding behind the principle of non-interference in the domestic politics of Armenia. We also witness indifference, complacency and even complicity, not to mention the personal interests of some.</p><p>The good will of associations and individuals in the diaspora, who engage selflessly, without waiting for any reward of their actions, is not questioned, but those people must face the obvious: bright projects and good intentions are not enough to stem the emigration of the population.</p><p>The actions of the commando group Sasna Tzrer and its deadly results are in itself regrettable [the circumstances of the deaths of the three police officers are still unclear], it is nonetheless understandable. It was an expression of rebellion, although one may question if the undefined criteria of tyranny and oppression were met or not. Armenians of the diaspora who have allowed themselves to judge these men, many of whom are veterans or heroes of the Karabakh war, had absolutely no right to do so; only the people living in Armenia can express themselves on this subject and they did it either by expressing their sympathy or by keeping quiet for the majority. The repression of the government was all the more strong and arbitrary against the political leaders of this movement and its supporters.</p><p>Remarkably, the murderers of March 1, 2008 demonstrators have still not been arrested and the commissioners of the attack on parliament on October 27, 1999 were never brought to justice. Meanwhile, the public prosecutor demands that Jirayr Sefilyan, Garo Yeghnukian, Gevorg Safarian, be prosecuted, seeking long prison sentences for their vehement criticism of the regime and their desire to put an end to it by organizing mass protests in 2015 or resisting the police (Safarian case).</p><p>Whichever scenario is to be played in April, this article is an appeal to the current and future leaders of Armenia and to all political forces to reconsider the mode of governance, to bring new political leadership from inside and outside Armenia, and to free, on the occasion of the implementation of the new constitution, all political prisoners.</p><p><em>(Philippe Raffi Kalfayan is a regular columnist for the Mirror-Spectator. He is an international legal expert, the former secretary general of the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), an associate researcher at the Paris Human Rights Center at the University of Paris 2 Pantheon Assas.)</em></p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 768, 1580, 'und', 0, 'The Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) Council, which operates under the political dictate of the Russian Federation, on April 14th, 2018 issued a statement that among other things called the missile attack on the chemical weapons depot and other structures by the US, French, and British coalition forces illegal and against the international law. The statement also mentioned that the United States and its allies are endangering the anti-terrorist campaign in Syria and leading that country to destruction. The CSTO also includes the Republic of Armenia as a member.\r\n\r\nGiven that the Armenian authorities have for many years formed based on illegal and fraudulent elections and clan principles, have turned Armenia into a Russian colony, destroying all institutions of independent statehood, we—US-based Armenian organizations—note that the Armenian authorities are illegal, do not represent the interests of the state and the population of the Republic of Armenia, therefore have no right to make statements on behalf of the Republic of Armenia, and by doing so endangering the partnership between the US and Armenia as well as Armenia’s security, by putting Armenia on a path to full political isolation.\r\n\r\nSigned/\r\nPolicy Forum Armenia\r\nGeopolitical Club\r\nArmenian Renaissance Los Angeles Chapter\r\nArmenian American Civil support center', '', 'filtered_html');
INSERT INTO `field_revision_body` (`entity_type`, `bundle`, `deleted`, `entity_id`, `revision_id`, `language`, `delta`, `body_value`, `body_summary`, `body_format`) VALUES
('node', 'press_release', 0, 768, 1581, 'und', 0, 'The Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) Council, which operates under the political dictate of the Russian Federation, on April 14th, 2018 issued a statement that among other things called the missile attack on the chemical weapons depot and other structures by the US, French, and British coalition forces illegal and against the international law. The statement also mentioned that the United States and its allies are endangering the anti-terrorist campaign in Syria and leading that country to destruction. The CSTO also includes the Republic of Armenia as a member.\r\n\r\nGiven that the Armenian authorities have for many years formed based on illegal and fraudulent elections and clan principles, have turned Armenia into a Russian colony, destroying all institutions of independent statehood, we—US-based Armenian organizations—note that the Armenian authorities are illegal, do not represent the interests of the state and the population of the Republic of Armenia, therefore have no right to make statements on behalf of the Republic of Armenia, and by doing so endangering the partnership between the US and Armenia as well as Armenia’s security, by putting Armenia on a path to full political isolation.\r\n\r\nSigned/\r\nPolicy Forum Armenia\r\nGeopolitical Club\r\nArmenian Renaissance Los Angeles Chapter\r\nArmenian American Civil Support Center', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 768, 1582, 'und', 0, 'The Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) Council, which operates under the political dictate of the Russian Federation, on April 14th, 2018 issued a statement that among other things called the missile attack on the chemical weapons depot and other structures by the US, French, and British coalition forces illegal and against the international law. The statement also mentioned that the United States and its allies are endangering the anti-terrorist campaign in Syria and leading that country to destruction. The CSTO also includes the Republic of Armenia as a member.\r\n\r\nGiven that the Armenian authorities have for many years formed based on illegal and fraudulent elections and clan principles, have turned Armenia into a Russian colony, destroying all institutions of independent statehood, we—US-based Armenian organizations—note that the Armenian authorities are illegal, do not represent the interests of the state and the population of the Republic of Armenia, therefore have no right to make statements on behalf of the Republic of Armenia, and by doing so endangering the partnership between the US and Armenia as well as Armenia’s security, by putting Armenia on a path to full political isolation.\r\n\r\nSigned/\r\nPolicy Forum Armenia\r\nGeopolitical Club\r\nArmenian Renaissance Los Angeles Chapter\r\nArmenian American Civil Support Center', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'news', 0, 769, 1583, 'und', 0, '<p><strong>Reprinted from <a href=\"https://eurasianet.org/s/in-wake-of-armenias-peaceful-uprising-diasporas-clout-is-questioned?utm_source=dlvr.it&amp;utm_medium=twitter \">Eurasianet.org</a>&nbsp;</strong></p><p>The huge anti-government protests in Yerevan that toppled longtime leader Serzh Sargsyan on April 23 may have united Armenians. But they also brought into sharp relief long-standing tensions between Armenia&#39;s wide diaspora and Armenians in the country itself, with the diaspora&#39;s detachment from the protest movement giving rise to accusations that it stood on the wrong side of history.</p><p>Since protests in Yerevan began on April 13, rallies in solidarity took place in the global centers of the Armenian diaspora. In Glendale, a suburb of Los Angeles, an estimated 5,000 locals marched to the Armenian consulate. In Marseilles, demonstrators burned Sargsyan&rsquo;s portrait in the consulate&rsquo;s courtyard. In Moscow, protesters gathered outside St. Cross Armenian Cathedral, but were quickly dispersed by police.</p><p>In the diaspora, support for the protests was far from universal, however, and some of the biggest diaspora organizations kept quiet or endorsed Sargsyan until his resignation.</p><p>The diaspora&rsquo;s single biggest organization, ARF Dashnaktsutyun, largely sat out the protests and thus now appears set to lose influence in Armenia, said Richard Giragosian, director of the Yerevan-based Regional Studies Center, in an interview with Eurasianet. The Dashnaks&rsquo; &ldquo;short-sighted allegiance to the ruling Republican Party has greatly diminished their standing in Armenia,&rdquo; Giragosian said. &ldquo;With a few meager cabinet positions, their influence is minimal and their political role is now marginal.&rdquo;</p><p>As a ruling coalition partner with Sargsyan&rsquo;s Republican Party, the ARF &ndash; which functions as a traditional political party in Armenia &ndash; endorsed his bid to become prime minister and stood by him until his resignation. Its various branches abroad have taken different stances.</p><p>On April 23, shortly before Sargsyan announced he was stepping down, the ARF-affiliated Armenian Youth Federation of Australia issued a statement in support of those protesting in Yerevan. Earlier last week, the Armenian Youth Federation&rsquo;s chapter for the Western United States produced a similar statement that fell short of endorsing the protests but condemned the use of force. The next day, that ARF branch called on all sides to &ldquo;work together.&rdquo;</p><p>Part of the variation is geographical. &ldquo;Diaspora reactions are defined by their country of citizenship,&rdquo; Karen Aghekian, a Minsk-based editor for Hamatext, an online magazine covering Armenian politics, told Eurasianet. &ldquo;As the Russian media coverage of revolutions in post-Soviet countries is extremely negative, Russian Armenians in general tend to be apprehensive about similar events in Armenia.&rdquo;</p><p>Last week, the Union of Armenians of Russia said the protest leaders&rsquo; &ldquo;real goals&rdquo; are the &ldquo;destabilization of the political situation&rdquo; in Armenia and economic stagnation. The organization&#39;s founder and chairman, businessman Ara Abrahamyan, prides himself on his close ties to Russian President Vladimir Putin.</p><p>Two of the biggest American diaspora groups, the competing Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) and Armenian Assembly of America, rarely comment on Armenia&rsquo;s domestic politics. They focus primarily on achieving formal recognition of the Armenian Genocide in the U.S. and on securing aid to Armenia and to Nagorno-Karabakh, the unrecognized territory carved out of Azerbaijan that is controlled by Armenians. Both groups hailed Sargsyan&rsquo;s resignation after the fact.</p><p>Other, newer groups in the U.S. have taken more critical approaches to Sargsyan&#39;s rule. One, Policy Forum Armenia, released a statement in support of the protests. The statement called for a &ldquo;massive shake up&rdquo; in the ARF Dashnaktsutyun &ldquo;that results in a replacement of the current leaders by a young and Armenia-centric team.&rdquo; It also said that the &ldquo;main traditional diaspora organizations were largely complicit with the regime and worked against the best interests of Armenia and its citizens.&rdquo;</p><p>Another relatively new player on the diaspora scene is Armenian Renaissance, a grassroots organization uniting chapters in a number of countries. After the Yerevan protests began, its members were instrumental in organizing &ldquo;Reject Serzh&rdquo; rallies in Los Angeles, New York and Boston. The group also has taken aim at ARF Dashnaktsutyun: One Facebook post by the Los Angeles chapter shows three ARF leaders with the caption: &ldquo;Dashnaks should decide &ndash; are they with people in Armenia or against ???!!! Simple!!!! And if yes, then FIRE this [sic] 3 dogs in Armenia and save your name.&rdquo;</p><p><strong>&lsquo;They keep losing significance&rsquo;</strong></p><p>It remains an open question how much influence the diaspora has on politics in Yerevan. Armenian politicians have long subscribed to the idea of the &ldquo;Armenia-Artsakh-Diaspora triumvirate,&rdquo; envisaging a greater Armenia uniting the population of Armenia, the unrecognized Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (known as Artsakh in Armenian), and ethnoreligious Armenian communities further afield, from Moscow to Beirut to California.</p><p>On April 22, a day before Sargsyan&#39;s resignation, President Armen Sarkissian issued a statement urging &ldquo;all the citizens and our compatriots in the diaspora to refrain from straining the situation and exercise restraint.&rdquo; Yet it&#39;s unclear how the diaspora could have done either.</p><p>&ldquo;The role of the diaspora in Armenia&rsquo;s political life and especially in this crisis is almost non-existent,&rdquo; Aghekian, the Minsk-based editor for Hamatext, said. &ldquo;Some of the diaspora&rsquo;s richest businessmen have access to government, but I doubt they can sway decisions in any way. As for the diaspora organizations, they only keep losing significance and authority, and for good reason.&rdquo;</p><p>But a consistent strain in Armenian politics is the hope for aid from the diaspora. Protest leader Nikol Pashinyan, addressing the crowd at one of the nightly rallies on Republic Square, called on diaspora celebrities including American rock musician Serj Tankian, Canadian actress Arsinée Khanjian, and French signer Charles Aznavour to come to Armenia and join the protest.</p><p>&ldquo;That&rsquo;s a two-way street. There are people in Armenia who are looking for outside support. And that&#39;s natural, to seek reassurance from Armenians living overseas,&rdquo; said Hrant Gadarigian, an editor for Hetq, a Yerevan-based nonprofit news outlet. &ldquo;But ultimately, people in Armenia are the agents of change. Because they are the ones who are suffering. Charles Aznavour is not sitting in a marshrutka [crowded minibus] every day.&rdquo;</p><p>Aghekian agreed. &ldquo;Any form of participation is welcome, but in my opinion Armenian citizens shouldn&#39;t be seeking the support and moral authority of celebrities such as Serj Tankian or Charles Aznavour. Quite the opposite: Conscious and responsible Armenian citizens must themselves become such an authority for the diaspora.&rdquo;</p><p>An executive at an Armenian organization in the U.S., who spoke with Eurasianet on condition of anonymity, said that there&rsquo;s no chance for the diaspora to present a coherent agenda for Armenia.</p><p>&ldquo;The diaspora has no real agenda in Armenia,&rdquo; he said. &ldquo;It&rsquo;s so fragmented and polarized between different groups, organizations, political parties. In real terms, where the diaspora stands &ndash; who knows?&rdquo;</p><p>&ldquo;After the Armenian Genocide, members of the diaspora have never lived in Armenia and thus do not know the complexities of modern Armenian statehood. Most of the diaspora&#39;s involvement, if any, is based on sentiments and emotions &ndash; nothing practical or concrete.&rdquo;</p><p><em>Grigor Atanesian is a freelance journalist who covers Armenia.</em></p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'news', 0, 769, 1584, 'und', 0, '<p><strong>Reprinted from <a href=\"https://eurasianet.org/s/in-wake-of-armenias-peaceful-uprising-diasporas-clout-is-questioned?utm_source=dlvr.it&amp;utm_medium=twitter \">Eurasianet.org</a>&nbsp;</strong></p><p>The huge anti-government protests in Yerevan that toppled longtime leader Serzh Sargsyan on April 23 may have united Armenians. But they also brought into sharp relief long-standing tensions between Armenia&#39;s wide diaspora and Armenians in the country itself, with the diaspora&#39;s detachment from the protest movement giving rise to accusations that it stood on the wrong side of history.</p><p>Since protests in Yerevan began on April 13, rallies in solidarity took place in the global centers of the Armenian diaspora. In Glendale, a suburb of Los Angeles, an estimated 5,000 locals marched to the Armenian consulate. In Marseilles, demonstrators burned Sargsyan&rsquo;s portrait in the consulate&rsquo;s courtyard. In Moscow, protesters gathered outside St. Cross Armenian Cathedral, but were quickly dispersed by police.</p><p>In the diaspora, support for the protests was far from universal, however, and some of the biggest diaspora organizations kept quiet or endorsed Sargsyan until his resignation.</p><p>The diaspora&rsquo;s single biggest organization, ARF Dashnaktsutyun, largely sat out the protests and thus now appears set to lose influence in Armenia, said Richard Giragosian, director of the Yerevan-based Regional Studies Center, in an interview with Eurasianet. The Dashnaks&rsquo; &ldquo;short-sighted allegiance to the ruling Republican Party has greatly diminished their standing in Armenia,&rdquo; Giragosian said. &ldquo;With a few meager cabinet positions, their influence is minimal and their political role is now marginal.&rdquo;</p><p>As a ruling coalition partner with Sargsyan&rsquo;s Republican Party, the ARF &ndash; which functions as a traditional political party in Armenia &ndash; endorsed his bid to become prime minister and stood by him until his resignation. Its various branches abroad have taken different stances.</p><p>On April 23, shortly before Sargsyan announced he was stepping down, the ARF-affiliated Armenian Youth Federation of Australia issued a statement in support of those protesting in Yerevan. Earlier last week, the Armenian Youth Federation&rsquo;s chapter for the Western United States produced a similar statement that fell short of endorsing the protests but condemned the use of force. The next day, that ARF branch called on all sides to &ldquo;work together.&rdquo;</p><p>Part of the variation is geographical. &ldquo;Diaspora reactions are defined by their country of citizenship,&rdquo; Karen Aghekian, a Minsk-based editor for Hamatext, an online magazine covering Armenian politics, told Eurasianet. &ldquo;As the Russian media coverage of revolutions in post-Soviet countries is extremely negative, Russian Armenians in general tend to be apprehensive about similar events in Armenia.&rdquo;</p><p>Last week, the Union of Armenians of Russia said the protest leaders&rsquo; &ldquo;real goals&rdquo; are the &ldquo;destabilization of the political situation&rdquo; in Armenia and economic stagnation. The organization&#39;s founder and chairman, businessman Ara Abrahamyan, prides himself on his close ties to Russian President Vladimir Putin.</p><p>Two of the biggest American diaspora groups, the competing Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) and Armenian Assembly of America, rarely comment on Armenia&rsquo;s domestic politics. They focus primarily on achieving formal recognition of the Armenian Genocide in the U.S. and on securing aid to Armenia and to Nagorno-Karabakh, the unrecognized territory carved out of Azerbaijan that is controlled by Armenians. Both groups hailed Sargsyan&rsquo;s resignation after the fact.</p><p>Other, newer groups in the U.S. have taken more critical approaches to Sargsyan&#39;s rule. One, <strong>Policy Forum Armenia</strong>, released a statement in support of the protests. <em>The statement called for a &ldquo;massive shake up&rdquo; in the ARF Dashnaktsutyun &ldquo;that results in a replacement of the current leaders by a young and Armenia-centric team.&rdquo; It also said that the &ldquo;main traditional diaspora organizations were largely complicit with the regime and worked against the best interests of Armenia and its citizens.&rdquo;</em></p><p>Another relatively new player on the diaspora scene is Armenian Renaissance, a grassroots organization uniting chapters in a number of countries. After the Yerevan protests began, its members were instrumental in organizing &ldquo;Reject Serzh&rdquo; rallies in Los Angeles, New York and Boston. The group also has taken aim at ARF Dashnaktsutyun: One Facebook post by the Los Angeles chapter shows three ARF leaders with the caption: &ldquo;Dashnaks should decide &ndash; are they with people in Armenia or against ???!!! Simple!!!! And if yes, then FIRE this [sic] 3 dogs in Armenia and save your name.&rdquo;</p><p><strong>&lsquo;They keep losing significance&rsquo;</strong></p><p>It remains an open question how much influence the diaspora has on politics in Yerevan. Armenian politicians have long subscribed to the idea of the &ldquo;Armenia-Artsakh-Diaspora triumvirate,&rdquo; envisaging a greater Armenia uniting the population of Armenia, the unrecognized Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (known as Artsakh in Armenian), and ethnoreligious Armenian communities further afield, from Moscow to Beirut to California.</p><p>On April 22, a day before Sargsyan&#39;s resignation, President Armen Sarkissian issued a statement urging &ldquo;all the citizens and our compatriots in the diaspora to refrain from straining the situation and exercise restraint.&rdquo; Yet it&#39;s unclear how the diaspora could have done either.</p><p>&ldquo;The role of the diaspora in Armenia&rsquo;s political life and especially in this crisis is almost non-existent,&rdquo; Aghekian, the Minsk-based editor for Hamatext, said. &ldquo;Some of the diaspora&rsquo;s richest businessmen have access to government, but I doubt they can sway decisions in any way. As for the diaspora organizations, they only keep losing significance and authority, and for good reason.&rdquo;</p><p>But a consistent strain in Armenian politics is the hope for aid from the diaspora. Protest leader Nikol Pashinyan, addressing the crowd at one of the nightly rallies on Republic Square, called on diaspora celebrities including American rock musician Serj Tankian, Canadian actress Arsinée Khanjian, and French signer Charles Aznavour to come to Armenia and join the protest.</p><p>&ldquo;That&rsquo;s a two-way street. There are people in Armenia who are looking for outside support. And that&#39;s natural, to seek reassurance from Armenians living overseas,&rdquo; said Hrant Gadarigian, an editor for Hetq, a Yerevan-based nonprofit news outlet. &ldquo;But ultimately, people in Armenia are the agents of change. Because they are the ones who are suffering. Charles Aznavour is not sitting in a marshrutka [crowded minibus] every day.&rdquo;</p><p>Aghekian agreed. &ldquo;Any form of participation is welcome, but in my opinion Armenian citizens shouldn&#39;t be seeking the support and moral authority of celebrities such as Serj Tankian or Charles Aznavour. Quite the opposite: Conscious and responsible Armenian citizens must themselves become such an authority for the diaspora.&rdquo;</p><p>An executive at an Armenian organization in the U.S., who spoke with Eurasianet on condition of anonymity, said that there&rsquo;s no chance for the diaspora to present a coherent agenda for Armenia.</p><p>&ldquo;The diaspora has no real agenda in Armenia,&rdquo; he said. &ldquo;It&rsquo;s so fragmented and polarized between different groups, organizations, political parties. In real terms, where the diaspora stands &ndash; who knows?&rdquo;</p><p>&ldquo;After the Armenian Genocide, members of the diaspora have never lived in Armenia and thus do not know the complexities of modern Armenian statehood. Most of the diaspora&#39;s involvement, if any, is based on sentiments and emotions &ndash; nothing practical or concrete.&rdquo;</p><p><em>Grigor Atanesian is a freelance journalist who covers Armenia.</em></p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'news', 0, 769, 1585, 'und', 0, '<p><strong>Reprinted from <a href=\"https://eurasianet.org/s/in-wake-of-armenias-peaceful-uprising-diasporas-clout-is-questioned?utm_source=dlvr.it&amp;utm_medium=twitter \">Eurasianet.org</a>&nbsp;</strong></p><p>April 23, 2018</p><p>The huge anti-government protests in Yerevan that toppled longtime leader Serzh Sargsyan on April 23 may have united Armenians. But they also brought into sharp relief long-standing tensions between Armenia&#39;s wide diaspora and Armenians in the country itself, with the diaspora&#39;s detachment from the protest movement giving rise to accusations that it stood on the wrong side of history.</p><p>Since protests in Yerevan began on April 13, rallies in solidarity took place in the global centers of the Armenian diaspora. In Glendale, a suburb of Los Angeles, an estimated 5,000 locals marched to the Armenian consulate. In Marseilles, demonstrators burned Sargsyan&rsquo;s portrait in the consulate&rsquo;s courtyard. In Moscow, protesters gathered outside St. Cross Armenian Cathedral, but were quickly dispersed by police.</p><p>In the diaspora, support for the protests was far from universal, however, and some of the biggest diaspora organizations kept quiet or endorsed Sargsyan until his resignation.</p><p>The diaspora&rsquo;s single biggest organization, ARF Dashnaktsutyun, largely sat out the protests and thus now appears set to lose influence in Armenia, said Richard Giragosian, director of the Yerevan-based Regional Studies Center, in an interview with Eurasianet. The Dashnaks&rsquo; &ldquo;short-sighted allegiance to the ruling Republican Party has greatly diminished their standing in Armenia,&rdquo; Giragosian said. &ldquo;With a few meager cabinet positions, their influence is minimal and their political role is now marginal.&rdquo;</p><p>As a ruling coalition partner with Sargsyan&rsquo;s Republican Party, the ARF &ndash; which functions as a traditional political party in Armenia &ndash; endorsed his bid to become prime minister and stood by him until his resignation. Its various branches abroad have taken different stances.</p><p>On April 23, shortly before Sargsyan announced he was stepping down, the ARF-affiliated Armenian Youth Federation of Australia issued a statement in support of those protesting in Yerevan. Earlier last week, the Armenian Youth Federation&rsquo;s chapter for the Western United States produced a similar statement that fell short of endorsing the protests but condemned the use of force. The next day, that ARF branch called on all sides to &ldquo;work together.&rdquo;</p><p>Part of the variation is geographical. &ldquo;Diaspora reactions are defined by their country of citizenship,&rdquo; Karen Aghekian, a Minsk-based editor for Hamatext, an online magazine covering Armenian politics, told Eurasianet. &ldquo;As the Russian media coverage of revolutions in post-Soviet countries is extremely negative, Russian Armenians in general tend to be apprehensive about similar events in Armenia.&rdquo;</p><p>Last week, the Union of Armenians of Russia said the protest leaders&rsquo; &ldquo;real goals&rdquo; are the &ldquo;destabilization of the political situation&rdquo; in Armenia and economic stagnation. The organization&#39;s founder and chairman, businessman Ara Abrahamyan, prides himself on his close ties to Russian President Vladimir Putin.</p><p>Two of the biggest American diaspora groups, the competing Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) and Armenian Assembly of America, rarely comment on Armenia&rsquo;s domestic politics. They focus primarily on achieving formal recognition of the Armenian Genocide in the U.S. and on securing aid to Armenia and to Nagorno-Karabakh, the unrecognized territory carved out of Azerbaijan that is controlled by Armenians. Both groups hailed Sargsyan&rsquo;s resignation after the fact.</p><p>Other, newer groups in the U.S. have taken more critical approaches to Sargsyan&#39;s rule. One, <strong>Policy Forum Armenia</strong>, released a statement in support of the protests. <em>The statement called for a &ldquo;massive shake up&rdquo; in the ARF Dashnaktsutyun &ldquo;that results in a replacement of the current leaders by a young and Armenia-centric team.&rdquo; It also said that the &ldquo;main traditional diaspora organizations were largely complicit with the regime and worked against the best interests of Armenia and its citizens.&rdquo;</em></p><p>Another relatively new player on the diaspora scene is Armenian Renaissance, a grassroots organization uniting chapters in a number of countries. After the Yerevan protests began, its members were instrumental in organizing &ldquo;Reject Serzh&rdquo; rallies in Los Angeles, New York and Boston. The group also has taken aim at ARF Dashnaktsutyun: One Facebook post by the Los Angeles chapter shows three ARF leaders with the caption: &ldquo;Dashnaks should decide &ndash; are they with people in Armenia or against ???!!! Simple!!!! And if yes, then FIRE this [sic] 3 dogs in Armenia and save your name.&rdquo;</p><p><strong>&lsquo;They keep losing significance&rsquo;</strong></p><p>It remains an open question how much influence the diaspora has on politics in Yerevan. Armenian politicians have long subscribed to the idea of the &ldquo;Armenia-Artsakh-Diaspora triumvirate,&rdquo; envisaging a greater Armenia uniting the population of Armenia, the unrecognized Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (known as Artsakh in Armenian), and ethnoreligious Armenian communities further afield, from Moscow to Beirut to California.</p><p>On April 22, a day before Sargsyan&#39;s resignation, President Armen Sarkissian issued a statement urging &ldquo;all the citizens and our compatriots in the diaspora to refrain from straining the situation and exercise restraint.&rdquo; Yet it&#39;s unclear how the diaspora could have done either.</p><p>&ldquo;The role of the diaspora in Armenia&rsquo;s political life and especially in this crisis is almost non-existent,&rdquo; Aghekian, the Minsk-based editor for Hamatext, said. &ldquo;Some of the diaspora&rsquo;s richest businessmen have access to government, but I doubt they can sway decisions in any way. As for the diaspora organizations, they only keep losing significance and authority, and for good reason.&rdquo;</p><p>But a consistent strain in Armenian politics is the hope for aid from the diaspora. Protest leader Nikol Pashinyan, addressing the crowd at one of the nightly rallies on Republic Square, called on diaspora celebrities including American rock musician Serj Tankian, Canadian actress Arsinée Khanjian, and French signer Charles Aznavour to come to Armenia and join the protest.</p><p>&ldquo;That&rsquo;s a two-way street. There are people in Armenia who are looking for outside support. And that&#39;s natural, to seek reassurance from Armenians living overseas,&rdquo; said Hrant Gadarigian, an editor for Hetq, a Yerevan-based nonprofit news outlet. &ldquo;But ultimately, people in Armenia are the agents of change. Because they are the ones who are suffering. Charles Aznavour is not sitting in a marshrutka [crowded minibus] every day.&rdquo;</p><p>Aghekian agreed. &ldquo;Any form of participation is welcome, but in my opinion Armenian citizens shouldn&#39;t be seeking the support and moral authority of celebrities such as Serj Tankian or Charles Aznavour. Quite the opposite: Conscious and responsible Armenian citizens must themselves become such an authority for the diaspora.&rdquo;</p><p>An executive at an Armenian organization in the U.S., who spoke with Eurasianet on condition of anonymity, said that there&rsquo;s no chance for the diaspora to present a coherent agenda for Armenia.</p><p>&ldquo;The diaspora has no real agenda in Armenia,&rdquo; he said. &ldquo;It&rsquo;s so fragmented and polarized between different groups, organizations, political parties. In real terms, where the diaspora stands &ndash; who knows?&rdquo;</p><p>&ldquo;After the Armenian Genocide, members of the diaspora have never lived in Armenia and thus do not know the complexities of modern Armenian statehood. Most of the diaspora&#39;s involvement, if any, is based on sentiments and emotions &ndash; nothing practical or concrete.&rdquo;</p><p><em>Grigor Atanesian is a freelance journalist who covers Armenia.</em></p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'news', 0, 769, 1586, 'und', 0, '<p><strong>Reprinted from <a href=\"https://eurasianet.org/s/in-wake-of-armenias-peaceful-uprising-diasporas-clout-is-questioned?utm_source=dlvr.it&amp;utm_medium=twitter \">Eurasianet.org</a>&nbsp;</strong></p><p>April 23, 2018</p><p>The huge anti-government protests in Yerevan that toppled longtime leader Serzh Sargsyan on April 23 may have united Armenians. But they also brought into sharp relief long-standing tensions between Armenia&#39;s wide diaspora and Armenians in the country itself, with the diaspora&#39;s detachment from the protest movement giving rise to accusations that it stood on the wrong side of history.</p><p>Since protests in Yerevan began on April 13, rallies in solidarity took place in the global centers of the Armenian diaspora. In Glendale, a suburb of Los Angeles, an estimated 5,000 locals marched to the Armenian consulate. In Marseilles, demonstrators burned Sargsyan&rsquo;s portrait in the consulate&rsquo;s courtyard. In Moscow, protesters gathered outside St. Cross Armenian Cathedral, but were quickly dispersed by police.</p><p>In the diaspora, support for the protests was far from universal, however, and some of the biggest diaspora organizations kept quiet or endorsed Sargsyan until his resignation.</p><p>The diaspora&rsquo;s single biggest organization, ARF Dashnaktsutyun, largely sat out the protests and thus now appears set to lose influence in Armenia, said Richard Giragosian, director of the Yerevan-based Regional Studies Center, in an interview with Eurasianet. The Dashnaks&rsquo; &ldquo;short-sighted allegiance to the ruling Republican Party has greatly diminished their standing in Armenia,&rdquo; Giragosian said. &ldquo;With a few meager cabinet positions, their influence is minimal and their political role is now marginal.&rdquo;</p><p>As a ruling coalition partner with Sargsyan&rsquo;s Republican Party, the ARF &ndash; which functions as a traditional political party in Armenia &ndash; endorsed his bid to become prime minister and stood by him until his resignation. Its various branches abroad have taken different stances.</p><p>On April 23, shortly before Sargsyan announced he was stepping down, the ARF-affiliated Armenian Youth Federation of Australia issued a statement in support of those protesting in Yerevan. Earlier last week, the Armenian Youth Federation&rsquo;s chapter for the Western United States produced a similar statement that fell short of endorsing the protests but condemned the use of force. The next day, that ARF branch called on all sides to &ldquo;work together.&rdquo;</p><p>Part of the variation is geographical. &ldquo;Diaspora reactions are defined by their country of citizenship,&rdquo; Karen Aghekian, a Minsk-based editor for Hamatext, an online magazine covering Armenian politics, told Eurasianet. &ldquo;As the Russian media coverage of revolutions in post-Soviet countries is extremely negative, Russian Armenians in general tend to be apprehensive about similar events in Armenia.&rdquo;</p><p>Last week, the Union of Armenians of Russia said the protest leaders&rsquo; &ldquo;real goals&rdquo; are the &ldquo;destabilization of the political situation&rdquo; in Armenia and economic stagnation. The organization&#39;s founder and chairman, businessman Ara Abrahamyan, prides himself on his close ties to Russian President Vladimir Putin.</p><p>Two of the biggest American diaspora groups, the competing Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) and Armenian Assembly of America, rarely comment on Armenia&rsquo;s domestic politics. They focus primarily on achieving formal recognition of the Armenian Genocide in the U.S. and on securing aid to Armenia and to Nagorno-Karabakh, the unrecognized territory carved out of Azerbaijan that is controlled by Armenians. Both groups hailed Sargsyan&rsquo;s resignation after the fact.</p><p>Other, newer groups in the U.S. have taken more critical approaches to Sargsyan&#39;s rule. One, <strong>Policy Forum Armenia</strong>, <a href=\"https://pfarmenia.wordpress.com/2018/04/21/velvet-revolution-diaspora-response/\">released a statement in support of the protests</a>. <em>The statement called for a &ldquo;massive shake up&rdquo; in the ARF Dashnaktsutyun &ldquo;that results in a replacement of the current leaders by a young and Armenia-centric team.&rdquo; It also said that the &ldquo;main traditional diaspora organizations were largely complicit with the regime and worked against the best interests of Armenia and its citizens.&rdquo;</em></p><p>Another relatively new player on the diaspora scene is Armenian Renaissance, a grassroots organization uniting chapters in a number of countries. After the Yerevan protests began, its members were instrumental in organizing &ldquo;Reject Serzh&rdquo; rallies in Los Angeles, New York and Boston. The group also has taken aim at ARF Dashnaktsutyun: One Facebook post by the Los Angeles chapter shows three ARF leaders with the caption: &ldquo;Dashnaks should decide &ndash; are they with people in Armenia or against ???!!! Simple!!!! And if yes, then FIRE this [sic] 3 dogs in Armenia and save your name.&rdquo;</p><p><strong>&lsquo;They keep losing significance&rsquo;</strong></p><p>It remains an open question how much influence the diaspora has on politics in Yerevan. Armenian politicians have long subscribed to the idea of the &ldquo;Armenia-Artsakh-Diaspora triumvirate,&rdquo; envisaging a greater Armenia uniting the population of Armenia, the unrecognized Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (known as Artsakh in Armenian), and ethnoreligious Armenian communities further afield, from Moscow to Beirut to California.</p><p>On April 22, a day before Sargsyan&#39;s resignation, President Armen Sarkissian issued a statement urging &ldquo;all the citizens and our compatriots in the diaspora to refrain from straining the situation and exercise restraint.&rdquo; Yet it&#39;s unclear how the diaspora could have done either.</p><p>&ldquo;The role of the diaspora in Armenia&rsquo;s political life and especially in this crisis is almost non-existent,&rdquo; Aghekian, the Minsk-based editor for Hamatext, said. &ldquo;Some of the diaspora&rsquo;s richest businessmen have access to government, but I doubt they can sway decisions in any way. As for the diaspora organizations, they only keep losing significance and authority, and for good reason.&rdquo;</p><p>But a consistent strain in Armenian politics is the hope for aid from the diaspora. Protest leader Nikol Pashinyan, addressing the crowd at one of the nightly rallies on Republic Square, called on diaspora celebrities including American rock musician Serj Tankian, Canadian actress Arsinée Khanjian, and French signer Charles Aznavour to come to Armenia and join the protest.</p><p>&ldquo;That&rsquo;s a two-way street. There are people in Armenia who are looking for outside support. And that&#39;s natural, to seek reassurance from Armenians living overseas,&rdquo; said Hrant Gadarigian, an editor for Hetq, a Yerevan-based nonprofit news outlet. &ldquo;But ultimately, people in Armenia are the agents of change. Because they are the ones who are suffering. Charles Aznavour is not sitting in a marshrutka [crowded minibus] every day.&rdquo;</p><p>Aghekian agreed. &ldquo;Any form of participation is welcome, but in my opinion Armenian citizens shouldn&#39;t be seeking the support and moral authority of celebrities such as Serj Tankian or Charles Aznavour. Quite the opposite: Conscious and responsible Armenian citizens must themselves become such an authority for the diaspora.&rdquo;</p><p>An executive at an Armenian organization in the U.S., who spoke with Eurasianet on condition of anonymity, said that there&rsquo;s no chance for the diaspora to present a coherent agenda for Armenia.</p><p>&ldquo;The diaspora has no real agenda in Armenia,&rdquo; he said. &ldquo;It&rsquo;s so fragmented and polarized between different groups, organizations, political parties. In real terms, where the diaspora stands &ndash; who knows?&rdquo;</p><p>&ldquo;After the Armenian Genocide, members of the diaspora have never lived in Armenia and thus do not know the complexities of modern Armenian statehood. Most of the diaspora&#39;s involvement, if any, is based on sentiments and emotions &ndash; nothing practical or concrete.&rdquo;</p><p><em>Grigor Atanesian is a freelance journalist who covers Armenia.</em></p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 770, 1587, 'und', 0, 'The founder of the Artsakh’s independence movement, Igor Muradyan, died on Sunday, June 17 in Yerevan after a prolonged illness. He had interrupted his medical treatment in Washington to return to Yerevan to witness the aftermath of Armenia’s “Velvet Revolution.” He only lived two days before passing at a local hospital. We lost a very close friend, a mentor, and a visionary, who spared nothing to see his country be united and free.\r\n\r\nMr. Muradyan was a selfless leader, who has spearheaded the idea of unifying Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh, the Armenian-populated autonomous region within Azerbaijan), with Armenia back in early-1980s. The mass movement that sparked in 1988 gathered tremendous force—at times bringing together in excess of one million demonstrators—and soon spread to other republics of the Soviet Union, eventually resulting in its collapse. \r\nEven after stepping down as the leader of the movement and following the end of the war of 1991-94, which he played a leading role in, he never stopped working for Armenia and devoted the rest of his life to its independence and enhancing its role in the world. His contributions to Armenia\'s sovereignty would stand second to none, making him a role model for that generation. \r\n\r\nMr. Muradyan was a good friend of Policy Forum Armenia and a strong supporter of our activities and vision. He constantly encouraged us to think “outside the box” and be bold and daring. For him, the groundbreaking high-level roundtable discussion “Armenia and the West” co-organized by PFA in Washington in 2014 was a testament of our maturity and ability to put forth serious solutions that undermine the outdated status quos. During his final months at the George Washington University hospital he was under constant care of PFA Fellows, which was our way of paying back for all his good deeds.\r\n\r\nAs the father of “Armenian Atlanticism,” he was respected by the expert communities in Washington, London, and Brussels. It is his unparalleled integrity, intellectual brilliance, and ability to foresee things that would take others years to realize, which brought him the acclaim. \r\nUnfortunately, it is these same characteristics that made Igor Muradyan an outcast under the successive administrations in Yerevan—the leaders of which he despised for their corruption record and ability to address the country’s fundamental problems—leaving him with little, if any, means to care for his health and conduct professional activities, which often required travel. \r\n\r\nIndependent Armenia lost a Founding Father, a true patriot, who has given his life for Armenia and the generation of the 1980s. He will continue to live in our thoughts.\r\n\r\nRest in peace, dearest Igor, rest in peace.\r\n\r\nYours friends from Policy Forum Armenia\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 770, 1588, 'und', 0, 'The founder of the Artsakh’s independence movement, Igor Muradyan, died on Sunday, June 17 in Yerevan after a prolonged illness. He had interrupted his medical treatment in Washington to return to Yerevan to witness the aftermath of Armenia’s “Velvet Revolution.” He only lived two days before passing at a local hospital. We lost a very close friend, a mentor, and a visionary, who spared nothing to see his country be united and free.\r\n\r\nMr. Muradyan was a selfless leader, who has spearheaded the idea of unifying Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh, the Armenian-populated autonomous region within Azerbaijan), with Armenia back in early-1980s. The mass movement that sparked in 1988 gathered tremendous force—at times bringing together in excess of one million demonstrators—and soon spread to other republics of the Soviet Union, eventually resulting in its collapse. \r\nEven after stepping down as the leader of the movement and following the end of the war of 1991-94, which he played a leading role in, he never stopped working for Armenia and devoted the rest of his life to its independence and enhancing its role in the world. His contributions to Armenia\'s sovereignty would stand second to none, making him a role model for that generation. \r\n\r\nMr. Muradyan was a good friend of Policy Forum Armenia and a strong supporter of our activities and vision. He constantly encouraged us to think “outside the box” and be bold and daring. For him, the groundbreaking high-level roundtable discussion “Armenia and the West” co-organized by PFA in Washington in 2014 was a testament of our maturity and ability to put forth serious solutions that undermine the outdated status quos. During his final months at the George Washington University hospital he was under constant care of PFA Fellows, which was our way of paying back for all his good deeds.\r\n\r\nAs the father of “Armenian Atlanticism,” he was respected by the expert communities in Washington, London, and Brussels. It is his unparalleled integrity, intellectual brilliance, and ability to foresee things that would take others years to realize, which brought him the acclaim. \r\nUnfortunately, it is these same characteristics that made Igor Muradyan an outcast under the successive administrations in Yerevan—the leaders of which he despised for their corruption record and ability to address the country’s fundamental problems—leaving him with little, if any, means to care for his health and conduct professional activities, which often required travel. \r\n\r\nIndependent Armenia lost a Founding Father, a true patriot, who has given his life for Armenia and the generation of the 1980s. He will continue to live in our thoughts.\r\n\r\nRest in peace, dearest Igor, rest in peace.\r\n\r\nYours friends from Policy Forum Armenia\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 770, 1589, 'und', 0, 'The founder of the Artsakh’s independence movement, Igor Muradyan, died on Sunday, June 17 in Yerevan after a prolonged illness. He had interrupted his medical treatment in Washington to return to Yerevan to witness the aftermath of Armenia’s “Velvet Revolution.” He only lived two days before passing at a local hospital. We lost a very close friend, a mentor, and a visionary, who spared nothing to see his country be united and free.\r\n\r\nMr. Muradyan was a selfless leader, who has spearheaded the idea of unifying Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh, the Armenian-populated autonomous region within Azerbaijan), with Armenia back in early-1980s. The mass movement that sparked in 1988 gathered tremendous force—at times bringing together in excess of one million demonstrators—and soon spread to other republics of the Soviet Union, eventually resulting in its collapse. \r\nEven after stepping down as the leader of the movement and following the end of the war of 1991-94, which he played a leading role in, he never stopped working for Armenia and devoted the rest of his life to its independence and enhancing its role in the world. His contributions to Armenia\'s sovereignty would stand second to none, making him a role model for that generation. \r\n\r\nMr. Muradyan was a good friend of Policy Forum Armenia and a strong supporter of our activities and vision. He constantly encouraged us to think “outside the box” and be bold and daring. For him, the groundbreaking high-level roundtable discussion “Armenia and the West” co-organized by PFA in Washington in 2014 was a testament of our maturity and ability to put forth serious solutions that undermine the outdated status quos. During his final months at the George Washington University hospital he was under constant care of PFA Fellows, which was our way of paying back for all his good deeds.\r\n\r\nAs the father of “Armenian Atlanticism,” he was respected by the expert communities in Washington, London, and Brussels. It is his unparalleled integrity, intellectual brilliance, and ability to foresee things that would take others years to realize, which brought him the acclaim. \r\nUnfortunately, it is these same characteristics that made Igor Muradyan an outcast under the successive administrations in Yerevan—the leaders of which he despised for their corruption record and ability to address the country’s fundamental problems—leaving him with little, if any, means to care for his health and conduct professional activities, which often required travel. \r\n\r\nIndependent Armenia lost a Founding Father, a true patriot, who has given his life for Armenia and the generation of the 1980s. He will continue to live in our thoughts.\r\n\r\nRest in peace, dearest Igor, rest in peace.\r\n\r\nYours friends from Policy Forum Armenia\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 770, 1590, 'und', 0, 'The founder of the Artsakh’s independence movement, Igor Muradyan, died on Sunday, June 17 in Yerevan after a prolonged illness. He had interrupted his medical treatment in Washington to return to Yerevan to witness the aftermath of Armenia’s “Velvet Revolution.” He only lived two days before passing at a local hospital. We lost a very close friend, a mentor, and a visionary, who spared nothing to see his country be united and free.\r\n\r\nMr. Muradyan was a selfless leader, who has spearheaded the idea of unifying Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh, the Armenian-populated autonomous region within Azerbaijan), with Armenia back in early-1980s. The mass movement that sparked in 1988 gathered tremendous force—at times bringing together in excess of one million demonstrators—and soon spread to other republics of the Soviet Union, eventually resulting in its collapse. \r\nEven after stepping down as the leader of the movement and following the end of the war of 1991-94, which he played a leading role in, he never stopped working for Armenia and devoted the rest of his life to its independence and enhancing its role in the world. His contributions to Armenia\'s sovereignty would stand second to none, making him a role model for that generation. \r\n\r\nMr. Muradyan was a good friend of Policy Forum Armenia and a strong supporter of our activities and vision. He constantly encouraged us to think “outside the box” and be bold and daring. For him, the groundbreaking high-level roundtable discussion “Armenia and the West” co-organized by PFA in Washington in 2014 was a testament of our maturity and ability to put forth serious solutions that undermine the outdated status quos. During his final months at the George Washington University hospital he was under constant care of PFA Fellows, which was our way of paying back for all his good deeds.\r\n\r\nAs the father of “Armenian Atlanticism,” he was respected by the expert communities in Washington, London, and Brussels. It is his unparalleled integrity, intellectual brilliance, and ability to foresee things that would take others years to realize, which brought him the acclaim. \r\nUnfortunately, it is these same characteristics that made Igor Muradyan an outcast under the successive administrations in Yerevan—the leaders of which he despised for their corruption record and ability to address the country’s fundamental problems—leaving him with little, if any, means to care for his health and conduct professional activities, which often required travel. \r\n\r\nIndependent Armenia lost a Founding Father, a true patriot, who has given his life for Armenia and the generation of the 1980s. He will continue to live in our thoughts.\r\n\r\nRest in peace, dearest Igor, rest in peace.\r\n\r\nYours friends from Policy Forum Armenia\r\n', '', 'filtered_html');
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('node', 'press_release', 0, 770, 1591, 'und', 0, 'The founder of the Artsakh’s independence movement, Igor Muradyan, died on Sunday, June 17 in Yerevan after a prolonged illness. He had interrupted his medical treatment in Washington to return to Yerevan to witness the aftermath of Armenia’s “Velvet Revolution.” He only lived two days before passing at a local hospital. We lost a very close friend, a mentor, and a visionary, who spared nothing to see his country be united and free.\r\n\r\nMr. Muradyan was a selfless leader, who has spearheaded the idea of unifying Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh, the Armenian-populated autonomous region within Azerbaijan), with Armenia back in early-1980s. The mass movement that sparked in 1988 gathered tremendous force—at times bringing together in excess of one million demonstrators—and soon spread to other republics of the Soviet Union, eventually resulting in its collapse. \r\nEven after stepping down as the leader of the movement and following the end of the war of 1991-94, which he played a leading role in, he never stopped working for Armenia and devoted the rest of his life to its independence and enhancing its role in the world. His contributions to Armenia\'s sovereignty would stand second to none, making him a role model for that generation. \r\n\r\nMr. Muradyan was a good friend of Policy Forum Armenia and a strong supporter of our activities and vision. He constantly encouraged us to think “outside the box” and be bold and daring. For him, the groundbreaking high-level roundtable discussion “Armenia and the West” co-organized by PFA in Washington in 2014 was a testament of our maturity and ability to put forth serious solutions that undermine the outdated status quos. During his final months at the George Washington University hospital he was under constant care of PFA Fellows, which was our way of paying back for all his good deeds.\r\n\r\nAs the father of “Armenian Atlanticism,” he was respected by the expert communities in Washington, London, and Brussels. It is his unparalleled integrity, intellectual brilliance, and ability to foresee things that would take others years to realize, which brought him the acclaim. \r\nUnfortunately, it is these same characteristics that made Igor Muradyan an outcast under the successive administrations in Yerevan—the leaders of which he despised for their corruption record and ability to address the country’s fundamental problems—leaving him with little, if any, means to care for his health and conduct professional activities, which often required travel. \r\n\r\nIndependent Armenia lost a Founding Father, a true patriot, who has given his life for Armenia and the generation of the 1980s. He will continue to live in our thoughts.\r\n\r\nRest in peace, dearest Igor, rest in peace.\r\n\r\nYours friends from Policy Forum Armenia\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 770, 1595, 'und', 0, 'The founder of the Artsakh’s independence movement, Igor Muradyan, died on Sunday, June 17 in Yerevan after a prolonged illness. He had interrupted his medical treatment in Washington to return to Yerevan to witness the aftermath of Armenia’s “Velvet Revolution.” He only lived two days before passing at a local hospital. We lost a very close friend, a mentor, and a visionary, who spared nothing to see his country be united and free.\r\n\r\nMr. Muradyan was a selfless leader, who has spearheaded the idea of unifying Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh, the Armenian-populated autonomous region within Azerbaijan), with Armenia back in early-1980s. The mass movement that sparked in 1988 gathered tremendous force—at times bringing together in excess of one million demonstrators—and soon spread to other republics of the Soviet Union, eventually resulting in its collapse.\r\n \r\nEven after stepping down as the leader of the movement and following the end of the war of 1991-94, which he played a leading role in, he never stopped working for Armenia and devoted the rest of his life to its independence and enhancing its role in the world. His contributions to Armenia\'s sovereignty would stand second to none, making him a role model for that generation. \r\n\r\nMr. Muradyan was a good friend of Policy Forum Armenia and a strong supporter of our activities and vision. He constantly encouraged us to think “outside the box” and be bold and daring. For him, the groundbreaking high-level roundtable discussion “Armenia and the West” co-organized by PFA in Washington in 2014 was a testament of our maturity and ability to put forth serious solutions that undermine the outdated status quos. During his final months at the George Washington University hospital he was under constant care of PFA Fellows, which was our way of paying back for all his good deeds.\r\n\r\nAs the father of “Armenian Atlanticism,” he was respected by the expert communities in Washington, London, and Brussels. It is his unparalleled integrity, intellectual brilliance, and ability to foresee things that would take others years to realize, which brought him the acclaim. \r\nUnfortunately, it is these same characteristics that made Igor Muradyan an outcast under the successive administrations in Yerevan—the leaders of which he despised for their corruption record and ability to address the country’s fundamental problems—leaving him with little, if any, means to care for his health and conduct professional activities, which often required travel. \r\n\r\nIndependent Armenia lost a Founding Father, a true patriot, who has given his life for Armenia and the generation of the 1980s. He will continue to live in our thoughts.\r\n\r\nRest in peace, dearest Igor, rest in peace.\r\n\r\nYours friends from Policy Forum Armenia\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 770, 1599, 'und', 0, 'The founder of the Artsakh’s independence movement, Igor Muradyan, died on Sunday, June 17 in Yerevan after a prolonged illness. He had interrupted his medical treatment in Washington to return to Yerevan to witness the aftermath of Armenia’s “Velvet Revolution.” He only lived two days before passing at a local hospital. We lost a very close friend, a mentor, and a visionary, who spared nothing to see his country be united and free.\r\n\r\nMr. Muradyan was a selfless leader, who has spearheaded the idea of unifying Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh, the Armenian-populated autonomous region within Azerbaijan), with Armenia back in early-1980s. The mass movement that sparked in 1988 gathered tremendous force—at times bringing together in excess of one million demonstrators—and soon spread to other republics of the Soviet Union, eventually resulting in its collapse.\r\n \r\nEven after stepping down as the leader of the movement and following the end of the war of 1991-94, which he played a leading role in, he never stopped working for Armenia and devoted the rest of his life to its independence and enhancing its role in the world. His contributions to Armenia\'s sovereignty would stand second to none, making him a role model for that generation. \r\n\r\nMr. Muradyan was a good friend of Policy Forum Armenia and a strong supporter of our activities and vision. He constantly encouraged us to think “outside the box” and be bold and daring. For him, the groundbreaking high-level roundtable discussion “Armenia and the West” co-organized by PFA in Washington in 2014 was a testament of our maturity and ability to put forth serious solutions that undermine the outdated status quos. During his final months at the George Washington University hospital he was under constant care of PFA Fellows, which was our way of paying back for all his good deeds.\r\n\r\nAs the father of “Armenian Atlanticism,” he was respected by the expert communities in Washington, London, and Brussels. It is his unparalleled integrity, intellectual brilliance, and ability to foresee things that would take others years to realize, which brought him the acclaim. \r\n\r\nUnfortunately, it is these same characteristics that made Igor Muradyan an outcast under the successive administrations in Yerevan—the leaders of which he despised for their corruption record and ability to address the country’s fundamental problems—leaving him with little, if any, means to care for his health and conduct professional activities, which often required travel. \r\n\r\nIndependent Armenia lost a Founding Father, a true patriot, who has given his life for Armenia and the generation of the 1980s. He will continue to live in our thoughts.\r\n\r\nRest in peace, dearest Igor, rest in peace.\r\n\r\nYours friends from Policy Forum Armenia\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 770, 1600, 'und', 0, 'The founder of the Artsakh’s independence movement, Igor Muradyan, died on Sunday, June 17 in Yerevan after a prolonged illness. He had interrupted his medical treatment in Washington to return to Yerevan to witness the aftermath of Armenia’s “Velvet Revolution.” He only lived two days before passing at a local hospital. We lost a very close friend, a mentor, and a visionary, who spared nothing to see his country be united and free.\r\n\r\nMr. Muradyan was a selfless leader, who has spearheaded the idea of unifying Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh, the Armenian-populated autonomous region within Azerbaijan), with Armenia back in early-1980s. The mass movement that sparked in 1988 gathered tremendous force—at times bringing together in excess of one million demonstrators—and soon spread to other republics of the Soviet Union, eventually resulting in its collapse.\r\n \r\nEven after stepping down as the leader of the movement and following the end of the war of 1991-94, which he played a leading role in, he never stopped working for Armenia and devoted the rest of his life to its independence and enhancing its role in the world. His contributions to Armenia\'s sovereignty would stand second to none, making him a role model for that generation. \r\n\r\nMr. Muradyan was a good friend of Policy Forum Armenia and a strong supporter of our activities and vision. He constantly encouraged us to think “outside the box” and be bold and daring. For him, the groundbreaking high-level roundtable discussion “Armenia and the West” co-organized by PFA in Washington in 2014 was a testament of our maturity and ability to put forth serious solutions that undermine the outdated status quos. During his final months at the George Washington University hospital he was under constant care of PFA Fellows, which was our way of paying back for all his good deeds.\r\n\r\nAs the father of “Armenian Atlanticism,” he was respected by the expert communities in Washington, London, and Brussels. It is his unparalleled integrity, intellectual brilliance, and ability to foresee things that would take others years to realize, which brought him the acclaim. \r\n\r\nUnfortunately, it is these same characteristics that made Igor Muradyan an outcast under the successive administrations in Yerevan—the leaders of which he despised for their corruption record and inability to address the country’s fundamental problems—leaving him with little, if any, means to care for his health and conduct professional activities, which often required travel. \r\n\r\nIndependent Armenia lost a Founding Father, a true patriot, who has given his life for Armenia and the generation of the 1980s. He will continue to live in our thoughts.\r\n\r\nRest in peace, dearest Igor, rest in peace.\r\n\r\nYours friends from Policy Forum Armenia\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 770, 1601, 'und', 0, 'The founder of the Artsakh’s independence movement, Igor Muradyan, died on Sunday, June 17 in Yerevan after a prolonged illness. He had interrupted his medical treatment in Washington to return to Yerevan to witness the aftermath of Armenia’s “Velvet Revolution.” He only lived two days before passing at a local hospital. We lost a very close friend, a mentor, and a visionary, who spared nothing to see his country be united and free.\r\n\r\nMr. Muradyan was a selfless leader, who has spearheaded the idea of unifying Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh, the Armenian-populated autonomous region within Azerbaijan), with Armenia back in early-1980s. The mass movement that sparked in 1988 gathered tremendous force—at times bringing together in excess of one million demonstrators—and soon spread to other republics of the Soviet Union, eventually resulting in its collapse.\r\n \r\nEven after stepping down as the leader of the movement and following the end of the war of 1991-94, which he played a leading role in, he never stopped working for Armenia and devoted the rest of his life to its independence and enhancing its role in the world. His contributions to Armenia\'s sovereignty would stand second to none, making him a role model for that generation. \r\n\r\nMr. Muradyan was a good friend of Policy Forum Armenia and a strong supporter of our activities and vision. He constantly encouraged us to think “outside the box” and be bold and daring. For him, the groundbreaking high-level roundtable discussion <a href=\"https://www.pf-armenia.org/event/joint-workshop-atlantic-council-armenia-and-west\">“Armenia and the West”</a> co-organized by PFA in Washington in 2014 was a testament of our maturity and ability to put forth serious solutions that undermine the outdated status quos. During his final months at the George Washington University hospital he was under constant care of PFA Fellows, which was our way of paying back for all his good deeds.\r\n\r\nAs the father of “Armenian Atlanticism,” he was respected by the expert communities in Washington, London, and Brussels. It is his unparalleled integrity, intellectual brilliance, and ability to foresee things that would take others years to realize, which brought him the acclaim. \r\n\r\nUnfortunately, it is these same characteristics that made Igor Muradyan an outcast under the successive administrations in Yerevan—the leaders of which he despised for their corruption record and inability to address the country’s fundamental problems—leaving him with little, if any, means to care for his health and conduct professional activities, which often required travel. \r\n\r\nIndependent Armenia lost a Founding Father, a true patriot, who has given his life for Armenia and the generation of the 1980s. He will continue to live in our thoughts.\r\n\r\nRest in peace, dearest Igor, rest in peace.\r\n\r\nYours friends from Policy Forum Armenia\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 770, 1602, 'und', 0, 'The founder of the Artsakh’s independence movement, Igor Muradyan, died on Sunday, June 17 in Yerevan after a prolonged illness. He had interrupted his medical treatment in Washington to return to Yerevan to witness the aftermath of Armenia’s “Velvet Revolution.” He only lived two days before passing at a local hospital. We lost a very close friend, a mentor, and a visionary, who spared nothing to see his country be united and free.\r\n\r\nMr. Muradyan was a selfless leader, who has spearheaded the idea of unifying Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh, the Armenian-populated autonomous region within Azerbaijan), with Armenia back in early-1980s. The mass movement that sparked in 1988 gathered tremendous force—at times bringing together in excess of one million demonstrators—and soon spread to other republics of the Soviet Union, eventually resulting in its collapse.\r\n \r\nEven after stepping down as the leader of the movement and following the end of the war of 1991-94, which he played a leading role in, he never stopped working for Armenia and devoted the rest of his life to its independence and enhancing its role in the world. His contributions to Armenia\'s sovereignty would stand second to none, making him a role model for that generation. \r\n\r\nMr. Muradyan was a good friend of Policy Forum Armenia and a strong supporter of our activities and vision. He constantly encouraged us to think “outside the box” and be bold and daring. For him, the groundbreaking <a href=\"https://www.pf-armenia.org/event/joint-workshop-atlantic-council-armenia-and-west\">high-level roundtable discussion “Armenia and the West”</a> co-organized by PFA in Washington in 2014 was a testament of our maturity and ability to put forth serious solutions that undermine the outdated status quos. During his final months at the George Washington University hospital he was under constant care of PFA Fellows, which was our way of paying back for all his good deeds.\r\n\r\nAs the father of “Armenian Atlanticism,” he was respected by the expert communities in Washington, London, and Brussels. It is his unparalleled integrity, intellectual brilliance, and ability to foresee things that would take others years to realize, which brought him the acclaim. \r\n\r\nUnfortunately, it is these same characteristics that made Igor Muradyan an outcast under the successive administrations in Yerevan—the leaders of which he despised for their corruption record and inability to address the country’s fundamental problems—leaving him with little, if any, means to care for his health and conduct professional activities, which often required travel. \r\n\r\nIndependent Armenia lost a Founding Father, a true patriot, who has given his life for Armenia and the generation of the 1980s. He will continue to live in our thoughts.\r\n\r\nRest in peace, dearest Igor, rest in peace.\r\n\r\nYours friends from Policy Forum Armenia\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 770, 1605, 'und', 0, 'The founder of the Artsakh’s independence movement, Igor Muradyan, died on Sunday, June 17 in Yerevan after a prolonged illness. He had interrupted his medical treatment in Washington to return to Yerevan to witness the aftermath of Armenia’s “Velvet Revolution” and only lived two days before passing away at a local hospital. We lost a very close friend, a mentor, and a visionary, who spared nothing to see his country be united and free.\r\n\r\nMr. Muradyan was a selfless leader, who has spearheaded the idea of unifying Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh, the Armenian-populated autonomous region within Azerbaijan), with Armenia back in early-1980s. The mass movement that sparked in 1988 gathered tremendous force—at times bringing together in excess of one million demonstrators—and soon spread to other republics of the Soviet Union, eventually resulting in its collapse.\r\n \r\nEven after stepping down as the leader of the movement and following the end of the war of 1991-94, which he played a leading role in, he never stopped working for Armenia and devoted the rest of his life to its independence and enhancing its role in the world. His contributions to Armenia\'s sovereignty would stand second to none, making him a role model for that generation. \r\n\r\nMr. Muradyan was a good friend of Policy Forum Armenia and a strong supporter of our activities and vision. He constantly encouraged us to think “outside the box” and be bold and daring. For him, the groundbreaking <a href=\"https://www.pf-armenia.org/event/joint-workshop-atlantic-council-armenia-and-west\">high-level roundtable discussion “Armenia and the West”</a> co-organized by PFA in Washington in 2014 was a testament of our maturity and ability to put forth serious solutions that undermine the outdated status quos. During his final months at the George Washington University hospital he was under constant care of PFA Fellows, which was our way of paying back for all his good deeds.\r\n\r\nAs the father of “Armenian Atlanticism,” he was respected by the expert communities in Washington, London, and Brussels. It is his unparalleled integrity, intellectual brilliance, and ability to foresee things that would take others years to realize, which brought him the acclaim. \r\n\r\nUnfortunately, it is these same characteristics that made Igor Muradyan an outcast under the successive administrations in Yerevan—the leaders of which he despised for their corruption record and inability to address the country’s fundamental problems—leaving him with little, if any, means to care for his health and conduct professional activities, which often required travel. \r\n\r\nIndependent Armenia lost a Founding Father, a true patriot, who has given his life for Armenia and the generation of the 1980s. He will continue to live in our thoughts.\r\n\r\nRest in peace, dearest Igor, rest in peace.\r\n\r\nYours friends from Policy Forum Armenia\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 770, 1606, 'und', 0, 'The founder of the Artsakh’s independence movement, Igor Muradyan, died on Sunday, June 17 in Yerevan after a prolonged illness. He had interrupted his medical treatment in Washington to return to Yerevan to witness the aftermath of Armenia’s “Velvet Revolution” and only lived two days before passing away at a local hospital. We lost a very close friend, a mentor, and a visionary, who spared nothing to see his country be united and free.\r\n\r\nMr. Muradyan was a selfless leader, who has spearheaded the idea of unifying Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh, the Armenian-populated autonomous region within Azerbaijan), with Armenia back in early-1980s. The mass movement that sparked in 1988 gathered tremendous force—at times bringing together in excess of one million demonstrators—and soon spread to other republics of the Soviet Union, eventually resulting in its collapse.\r\n \r\nEven after stepping down as the leader of the movement and following the end of the war of 1991-94, which he played a leading role in, he never stopped working for Armenia and devoted the rest of his life to its independence and enhancing its role in the world. His contributions to Armenia\'s sovereignty would stand second to none, making him a role model for that generation. \r\n\r\nMr. Muradyan was a good friend of Policy Forum Armenia and a strong supporter of our activities and vision. He constantly encouraged us to think “outside the box” and be bold and daring. For him, the groundbreaking <a href=\"https://www.pf-armenia.org/event/joint-workshop-atlantic-council-armenia-and-west\">high-level roundtable discussion “Armenia and the West”</a> co-organized by PFA in Washington in 2014 was a testament of our maturity and ability to put forth serious solutions that undermine the outdated status quos. During his final months at the George Washington University hospital he was under constant care of PFA Fellows, which was our way of paying back for all his good deeds.\r\n\r\nAs the father of “Armenian Atlanticism,” he was respected by the expert communities in Washington, London, and Brussels. It is his unparalleled integrity, intellectual brilliance, and ability to foresee things that would take others years to realize, which brought him the acclaim. \r\n\r\nUnfortunately, it is these same characteristics that made Igor Muradyan an outcast under the successive administrations in Yerevan—the leaders of which he despised for their corruption record and inability to address the country’s fundamental problems—leaving him with little, if any, means to care for his health and conduct professional activities, which often required travel. \r\n\r\nIndependent Armenia lost a Founding Father, a true patriot, who has given his life for Armenia and the generation of the 1980s. He will continue to live in our hearts and guide us to new achievements.\r\n\r\nRest in peace, dearest Igor, rest in peace.\r\n\r\nYours friends from Policy Forum Armenia\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'news', 0, 771, 1592, 'und', 0, 'By David Ignatius\r\n\r\nArmenia appears at last to be breaking with its post-Soviet malaise and embracing democratic change, thanks to a grass-roots movement that has found a way, for now, to straddle Russia and the West.\r\n\r\nTens of thousands of people thronged Yerevan’s central square Wednesday night, chanting “Victory! Victory!” in what one Armenian reform supporter in the United States told me was “a celebration of the country as much as a protest.” The movement’s mass street demonstrations over the past month have deposed the prime minister, Serzh Sargsyan, and this week appeared ready to topple his long-entrenched ruling party.\r\n\r\nVideos circulating on social media Wednesday captured a country embracing the reform movement headed by Nikol Pashinyan, who is seeking to replace Sargsyan. Responding to Pashinyan’s call to shut down the capital, conservatory students played classical music at one intersection; protesters did a line dance at another; a small boy blocked a street with a lineup of toy cars, in a photo circulated by CNN.\r\n\r\nPashinyan made what sounded almost like a victory statement Wednesday, when he told the crowd, “Now, we will stop our actions for a while and rest.” On Tuesday, the Armenian parliament, controlled by Sargsyan’s party, had narrowly defeated Pashinyan’s bid to form a new government. But another vote is scheduled for May 8, and the ruling Republican Party signaled it won’t oppose the reformer.\r\n\r\nIf Pashinyan succeeds in establishing a new government, it will be in large part because the police and army refused to open fire on the protesters who turned out in huge numbers to support him. This refusal to kill fellow citizens is often the fulcrum of social change; it’s especially powerful in Armenia, which last month commemorated the anniversary of the 1915 genocide by Ottoman Turks that left more than a million Armenians dead.\r\n\r\nArmenia’s basic political dilemma over the past 25 years has been how to reconcile its pro-Western political sympathies with its military dependence on Russia. This impasse helped foster a circle of pro-Moscow oligarchs around Sargsyan, who siphoned much of the country’s wealth. For all the entrepreneurial spirit of its people, a corrupt and authoritarian Armenia never achieved the capitalist takeoff of some other former Soviet republics and Warsaw Pact countries following the Soviet Union’s demise in 1991.\r\n\r\nReformers asked why Armenia ranked below many other former Soviet-bloc countries in measures of political freedom, rule of law and economic growth. The Policy Forum Armenia, an activist group based in Washington, has compiled a series of well-documented reports on corruption, human rights and legal-reform issues.\r\n\r\nThe popular uprising has been tolerated, so far, by Russian President Vladimir Putin. He seems to have decided that it was better to sacrifice his ally, Sargsyan, than to risk losing Armenia itself. “He wanted to avoid another Ukraine,” a reform leader told me Wednesday. Because of the long kinship between Russia and Armenia, the images of protest in Yerevan may have a galvanizing effect in Russia, too.\r\n\r\nPashinyan broke through the post-Soviet morass for several reasons, his reform movement colleagues argue. First, his movement has been nonviolent and broadly based, from young people to grandmothers; “Arms up,” symbolizing civil disobedience, became a slogan of the protesters who joined Pashinyan’s march on Yerevan last month that culminated in Sargsyan’s resignation. Second, Pashinyan avoided taking sides between Russia and the West. He has walked a narrow line in what one reform leader told me was an “Armenia-centric” approach. He has reassured Moscow by saying that he doesn’t intend to withdraw from military and trade pacts with Russia if he becomes prime minister. At the same time, his pro-democracy movement has roused sympathy in Europe and the United States, offering the prospect of wider friendships for the small, embattled nation.\r\n\r\nThe Armenian reform movement has been building for the past two years, ever since armed protesters seized a police station in Yerevan in July 2016 and held it for two weeks, to protest what rebels claimed was the government’s political repression, corruption and vacillation on the emotional issue of Karabakh, an Armenian-populated enclave seized from Azerbaijan in a bloody war in 1994.\r\n\r\n“We refuse to become a region of Russia,” proclaimed one of the rebels allied with Jirair Sefilian, a Lebanese-born former Armenian military leader who was one of the organizers of the 2016 protest, which took the name “Founding Parliament.” Sefilian would be a candidate for defense minister if Pashinyan succeeds in forming a new government, though his strong pro-Western sympathies might antagonize Moscow.\r\n\r\nPashinyan’s movement promises change, but as is often the case with grass-roots uprisings, the details are fuzzy. His group is called “Civil Contract,” built on a pledge that a new government will deliver specific reform commitments to the people. Even his movement’s supporters admit they aren’t sure yet what that agenda might include. But in the excitement of Wednesday’s mass protest, the details could wait.', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'news', 0, 771, 1593, 'und', 0, 'By David Ignatius\r\n\r\nArmenia appears at last to be breaking with its post-Soviet malaise and embracing democratic change, thanks to a grass-roots movement that has found a way, for now, to straddle Russia and the West.\r\n\r\nTens of thousands of people thronged Yerevan’s central square Wednesday night, chanting “Victory! Victory!” in what one Armenian reform supporter in the United States told me was “a celebration of the country as much as a protest.” The movement’s mass street demonstrations over the past month have deposed the prime minister, Serzh Sargsyan, and this week appeared ready to topple his long-entrenched ruling party.\r\n\r\nVideos circulating on social media Wednesday captured a country embracing the reform movement headed by Nikol Pashinyan, who is seeking to replace Sargsyan. Responding to Pashinyan’s call to shut down the capital, conservatory students played classical music at one intersection; protesters did a line dance at another; a small boy blocked a street with a lineup of toy cars, in a photo circulated by CNN.\r\n\r\nPashinyan made what sounded almost like a victory statement Wednesday, when he told the crowd, “Now, we will stop our actions for a while and rest.” On Tuesday, the Armenian parliament, controlled by Sargsyan’s party, had narrowly defeated Pashinyan’s bid to form a new government. But another vote is scheduled for May 8, and the ruling Republican Party signaled it won’t oppose the reformer.\r\n\r\nIf Pashinyan succeeds in establishing a new government, it will be in large part because the police and army refused to open fire on the protesters who turned out in huge numbers to support him. This refusal to kill fellow citizens is often the fulcrum of social change; it’s especially powerful in Armenia, which last month commemorated the anniversary of the 1915 genocide by Ottoman Turks that left more than a million Armenians dead.\r\n\r\nArmenia’s basic political dilemma over the past 25 years has been how to reconcile its pro-Western political sympathies with its military dependence on Russia. This impasse helped foster a circle of pro-Moscow oligarchs around Sargsyan, who siphoned much of the country’s wealth. For all the entrepreneurial spirit of its people, a corrupt and authoritarian Armenia never achieved the capitalist takeoff of some other former Soviet republics and Warsaw Pact countries following the Soviet Union’s demise in 1991.\r\n\r\nReformers asked why Armenia ranked below many other former Soviet-bloc countries in measures of political freedom, rule of law and economic growth. The Policy Forum Armenia, an activist group based in Washington, has compiled a series of well-documented reports on corruption, human rights and legal-reform issues.\r\n\r\nThe popular uprising has been tolerated, so far, by Russian President Vladimir Putin. He seems to have decided that it was better to sacrifice his ally, Sargsyan, than to risk losing Armenia itself. “He wanted to avoid another Ukraine,” a reform leader told me Wednesday. Because of the long kinship between Russia and Armenia, the images of protest in Yerevan may have a galvanizing effect in Russia, too.\r\n\r\nPashinyan broke through the post-Soviet morass for several reasons, his reform movement colleagues argue. First, his movement has been nonviolent and broadly based, from young people to grandmothers; “Arms up,” symbolizing civil disobedience, became a slogan of the protesters who joined Pashinyan’s march on Yerevan last month that culminated in Sargsyan’s resignation. Second, Pashinyan avoided taking sides between Russia and the West. He has walked a narrow line in what one reform leader told me was an “Armenia-centric” approach. He has reassured Moscow by saying that he doesn’t intend to withdraw from military and trade pacts with Russia if he becomes prime minister. At the same time, his pro-democracy movement has roused sympathy in Europe and the United States, offering the prospect of wider friendships for the small, embattled nation.\r\n\r\nThe Armenian reform movement has been building for the past two years, ever since armed protesters seized a police station in Yerevan in July 2016 and held it for two weeks, to protest what rebels claimed was the government’s political repression, corruption and vacillation on the emotional issue of Karabakh, an Armenian-populated enclave seized from Azerbaijan in a bloody war in 1994.\r\n\r\n“We refuse to become a region of Russia,” proclaimed one of the rebels allied with Jirair Sefilian, a Lebanese-born former Armenian military leader who was one of the organizers of the 2016 protest, which took the name “Founding Parliament.” Sefilian would be a candidate for defense minister if Pashinyan succeeds in forming a new government, though his strong pro-Western sympathies might antagonize Moscow.\r\n\r\nPashinyan’s movement promises change, but as is often the case with grass-roots uprisings, the details are fuzzy. His group is called “Civil Contract,” built on a pledge that a new government will deliver specific reform commitments to the people. Even his movement’s supporters admit they aren’t sure yet what that agenda might include. But in the excitement of Wednesday’s mass protest, the details could wait.', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'news', 0, 771, 1594, 'und', 0, 'By David Ignatius\r\n\r\nArmenia appears at last to be breaking with its post-Soviet malaise and embracing democratic change, thanks to a grass-roots movement that has found a way, for now, to straddle Russia and the West.\r\n\r\nTens of thousands of people thronged Yerevan’s central square Wednesday night, chanting “Victory! Victory!” in what one Armenian reform supporter in the United States told me was “a celebration of the country as much as a protest.” The movement’s mass street demonstrations over the past month have deposed the prime minister, Serzh Sargsyan, and this week appeared ready to topple his long-entrenched ruling party.\r\n\r\nVideos circulating on social media Wednesday captured a country embracing the reform movement headed by Nikol Pashinyan, who is seeking to replace Sargsyan. Responding to Pashinyan’s call to shut down the capital, conservatory students played classical music at one intersection; protesters did a line dance at another; a small boy blocked a street with a lineup of toy cars, in a photo circulated by CNN.\r\n\r\nPashinyan made what sounded almost like a victory statement Wednesday, when he told the crowd, “Now, we will stop our actions for a while and rest.” On Tuesday, the Armenian parliament, controlled by Sargsyan’s party, had narrowly defeated Pashinyan’s bid to form a new government. But another vote is scheduled for May 8, and the ruling Republican Party signaled it won’t oppose the reformer.\r\n\r\nIf Pashinyan succeeds in establishing a new government, it will be in large part because the police and army refused to open fire on the protesters who turned out in huge numbers to support him. This refusal to kill fellow citizens is often the fulcrum of social change; it’s especially powerful in Armenia, which last month commemorated the anniversary of the 1915 genocide by Ottoman Turks that left more than a million Armenians dead.\r\n\r\nArmenia’s basic political dilemma over the past 25 years has been how to reconcile its pro-Western political sympathies with its military dependence on Russia. This impasse helped foster a circle of pro-Moscow oligarchs around Sargsyan, who siphoned much of the country’s wealth. For all the entrepreneurial spirit of its people, a corrupt and authoritarian Armenia never achieved the capitalist takeoff of some other former Soviet republics and Warsaw Pact countries following the Soviet Union’s demise in 1991.\r\n\r\nReformers asked why Armenia ranked below many other former Soviet-bloc countries in measures of political freedom, rule of law and economic growth. The Policy Forum Armenia, an activist group based in Washington, has compiled a series of well-documented reports on corruption, human rights and legal-reform issues.\r\n\r\nThe popular uprising has been tolerated, so far, by Russian President Vladimir Putin. He seems to have decided that it was better to sacrifice his ally, Sargsyan, than to risk losing Armenia itself. “He wanted to avoid another Ukraine,” a reform leader told me Wednesday. Because of the long kinship between Russia and Armenia, the images of protest in Yerevan may have a galvanizing effect in Russia, too.\r\n\r\nPashinyan broke through the post-Soviet morass for several reasons, his reform movement colleagues argue. First, his movement has been nonviolent and broadly based, from young people to grandmothers; “Arms up,” symbolizing civil disobedience, became a slogan of the protesters who joined Pashinyan’s march on Yerevan last month that culminated in Sargsyan’s resignation. Second, Pashinyan avoided taking sides between Russia and the West. He has walked a narrow line in what one reform leader told me was an “Armenia-centric” approach. He has reassured Moscow by saying that he doesn’t intend to withdraw from military and trade pacts with Russia if he becomes prime minister. At the same time, his pro-democracy movement has roused sympathy in Europe and the United States, offering the prospect of wider friendships for the small, embattled nation.\r\n\r\nThe Armenian reform movement has been building for the past two years, ever since armed protesters seized a police station in Yerevan in July 2016 and held it for two weeks, to protest what rebels claimed was the government’s political repression, corruption and vacillation on the emotional issue of Karabakh, an Armenian-populated enclave seized from Azerbaijan in a bloody war in 1994.\r\n\r\n“We refuse to become a region of Russia,” proclaimed one of the rebels allied with Jirair Sefilian, a Lebanese-born former Armenian military leader who was one of the organizers of the 2016 protest, which took the name “Founding Parliament.” Sefilian would be a candidate for defense minister if Pashinyan succeeds in forming a new government, though his strong pro-Western sympathies might antagonize Moscow.\r\n\r\nPashinyan’s movement promises change, but as is often the case with grass-roots uprisings, the details are fuzzy. His group is called “Civil Contract,” built on a pledge that a new government will deliver specific reform commitments to the people. Even his movement’s supporters admit they aren’t sure yet what that agenda might include. But in the excitement of Wednesday’s mass protest, the details could wait.', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'news', 0, 771, 1596, 'und', 0, 'Armenia Escapes Its Post-Soviet Malaise\r\nBy David Ignatius\r\n\r\nArmenia appears at last to be breaking with its post-Soviet malaise and embracing democratic change, thanks to a grass-roots movement that has found a way, for now, to straddle Russia and the West.\r\n\r\nTens of thousands of people thronged Yerevan’s central square Wednesday night, chanting “Victory! Victory!” in what one Armenian reform supporter in the United States told me was “a celebration of the country as much as a protest.” The movement’s mass street demonstrations over the past month have deposed the prime minister, Serzh Sargsyan, and this week appeared ready to topple his long-entrenched ruling party.\r\n\r\nVideos circulating on social media Wednesday captured a country embracing the reform movement headed by Nikol Pashinyan, who is seeking to replace Sargsyan. Responding to Pashinyan’s call to shut down the capital, conservatory students played classical music at one intersection; protesters did a line dance at another; a small boy blocked a street with a lineup of toy cars, in a photo circulated by CNN.\r\n\r\nPashinyan made what sounded almost like a victory statement Wednesday, when he told the crowd, “Now, we will stop our actions for a while and rest.” On Tuesday, the Armenian parliament, controlled by Sargsyan’s party, had narrowly defeated Pashinyan’s bid to form a new government. But another vote is scheduled for May 8, and the ruling Republican Party signaled it won’t oppose the reformer.\r\n\r\nIf Pashinyan succeeds in establishing a new government, it will be in large part because the police and army refused to open fire on the protesters who turned out in huge numbers to support him. This refusal to kill fellow citizens is often the fulcrum of social change; it’s especially powerful in Armenia, which last month commemorated the anniversary of the 1915 genocide by Ottoman Turks that left more than a million Armenians dead.\r\n\r\nArmenia’s basic political dilemma over the past 25 years has been how to reconcile its pro-Western political sympathies with its military dependence on Russia. This impasse helped foster a circle of pro-Moscow oligarchs around Sargsyan, who siphoned much of the country’s wealth. For all the entrepreneurial spirit of its people, a corrupt and authoritarian Armenia never achieved the capitalist takeoff of some other former Soviet republics and Warsaw Pact countries following the Soviet Union’s demise in 1991.\r\n\r\nReformers asked why Armenia ranked below many other former Soviet-bloc countries in measures of political freedom, rule of law and economic growth. The Policy Forum Armenia, an activist group based in Washington, has compiled a series of well-documented reports on corruption, human rights and legal-reform issues.\r\n\r\nThe popular uprising has been tolerated, so far, by Russian President Vladimir Putin. He seems to have decided that it was better to sacrifice his ally, Sargsyan, than to risk losing Armenia itself. “He wanted to avoid another Ukraine,” a reform leader told me Wednesday. Because of the long kinship between Russia and Armenia, the images of protest in Yerevan may have a galvanizing effect in Russia, too.\r\n\r\nPashinyan broke through the post-Soviet morass for several reasons, his reform movement colleagues argue. First, his movement has been nonviolent and broadly based, from young people to grandmothers; “Arms up,” symbolizing civil disobedience, became a slogan of the protesters who joined Pashinyan’s march on Yerevan last month that culminated in Sargsyan’s resignation. Second, Pashinyan avoided taking sides between Russia and the West. He has walked a narrow line in what one reform leader told me was an “Armenia-centric” approach. He has reassured Moscow by saying that he doesn’t intend to withdraw from military and trade pacts with Russia if he becomes prime minister. At the same time, his pro-democracy movement has roused sympathy in Europe and the United States, offering the prospect of wider friendships for the small, embattled nation.\r\n\r\nThe Armenian reform movement has been building for the past two years, ever since armed protesters seized a police station in Yerevan in July 2016 and held it for two weeks, to protest what rebels claimed was the government’s political repression, corruption and vacillation on the emotional issue of Karabakh, an Armenian-populated enclave seized from Azerbaijan in a bloody war in 1994.\r\n\r\n“We refuse to become a region of Russia,” proclaimed one of the rebels allied with Jirair Sefilian, a Lebanese-born former Armenian military leader who was one of the organizers of the 2016 protest, which took the name “Founding Parliament.” Sefilian would be a candidate for defense minister if Pashinyan succeeds in forming a new government, though his strong pro-Western sympathies might antagonize Moscow.\r\n\r\nPashinyan’s movement promises change, but as is often the case with grass-roots uprisings, the details are fuzzy. His group is called “Civil Contract,” built on a pledge that a new government will deliver specific reform commitments to the people. Even his movement’s supporters admit they aren’t sure yet what that agenda might include. But in the excitement of Wednesday’s mass protest, the details could wait.', '', 'filtered_html');
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('node', 'news', 0, 771, 1597, 'und', 0, 'Armenia Escapes Its Post-Soviet Malaise\r\nBy David Ignatius\r\n\r\nArmenia appears at last to be breaking with its post-Soviet malaise and embracing democratic change, thanks to a grass-roots movement that has found a way, for now, to straddle Russia and the West.\r\n\r\nTens of thousands of people thronged Yerevan’s central square Wednesday night, chanting “Victory! Victory!” in what one Armenian reform supporter in the United States told me was “a celebration of the country as much as a protest.” The movement’s mass street demonstrations over the past month have deposed the prime minister, Serzh Sargsyan, and this week appeared ready to topple his long-entrenched ruling party.\r\n\r\nVideos circulating on social media Wednesday captured a country embracing the reform movement headed by Nikol Pashinyan, who is seeking to replace Sargsyan. Responding to Pashinyan’s call to shut down the capital, conservatory students played classical music at one intersection; protesters did a line dance at another; a small boy blocked a street with a lineup of toy cars, in a photo circulated by CNN.\r\n\r\nPashinyan made what sounded almost like a victory statement Wednesday, when he told the crowd, “Now, we will stop our actions for a while and rest.” On Tuesday, the Armenian parliament, controlled by Sargsyan’s party, had narrowly defeated Pashinyan’s bid to form a new government. But another vote is scheduled for May 8, and the ruling Republican Party signaled it won’t oppose the reformer.\r\n\r\nIf Pashinyan succeeds in establishing a new government, it will be in large part because the police and army refused to open fire on the protesters who turned out in huge numbers to support him. This refusal to kill fellow citizens is often the fulcrum of social change; it’s especially powerful in Armenia, which last month commemorated the anniversary of the 1915 genocide by Ottoman Turks that left more than a million Armenians dead.\r\n\r\nArmenia’s basic political dilemma over the past 25 years has been how to reconcile its pro-Western political sympathies with its military dependence on Russia. This impasse helped foster a circle of pro-Moscow oligarchs around Sargsyan, who siphoned much of the country’s wealth. For all the entrepreneurial spirit of its people, a corrupt and authoritarian Armenia never achieved the capitalist takeoff of some other former Soviet republics and Warsaw Pact countries following the Soviet Union’s demise in 1991.\r\n\r\nReformers asked why Armenia ranked below many other former Soviet-bloc countries in measures of political freedom, rule of law and economic growth. The Policy Forum Armenia, an activist group based in Washington, has compiled a series of well-documented reports on corruption, human rights and legal-reform issues.\r\n\r\nThe popular uprising has been tolerated, so far, by Russian President Vladimir Putin. He seems to have decided that it was better to sacrifice his ally, Sargsyan, than to risk losing Armenia itself. “He wanted to avoid another Ukraine,” a reform leader told me Wednesday. Because of the long kinship between Russia and Armenia, the images of protest in Yerevan may have a galvanizing effect in Russia, too.\r\n\r\nPashinyan broke through the post-Soviet morass for several reasons, his reform movement colleagues argue. First, his movement has been nonviolent and broadly based, from young people to grandmothers; “Arms up,” symbolizing civil disobedience, became a slogan of the protesters who joined Pashinyan’s march on Yerevan last month that culminated in Sargsyan’s resignation. Second, Pashinyan avoided taking sides between Russia and the West. He has walked a narrow line in what one reform leader told me was an “Armenia-centric” approach. He has reassured Moscow by saying that he doesn’t intend to withdraw from military and trade pacts with Russia if he becomes prime minister. At the same time, his pro-democracy movement has roused sympathy in Europe and the United States, offering the prospect of wider friendships for the small, embattled nation.\r\n\r\nThe Armenian reform movement has been building for the past two years, ever since armed protesters seized a police station in Yerevan in July 2016 and held it for two weeks, to protest what rebels claimed was the government’s political repression, corruption and vacillation on the emotional issue of Karabakh, an Armenian-populated enclave seized from Azerbaijan in a bloody war in 1994.\r\n\r\n“We refuse to become a region of Russia,” proclaimed one of the rebels allied with Jirair Sefilian, a Lebanese-born former Armenian military leader who was one of the organizers of the 2016 protest, which took the name “Founding Parliament.” Sefilian would be a candidate for defense minister if Pashinyan succeeds in forming a new government, though his strong pro-Western sympathies might antagonize Moscow.\r\n\r\nPashinyan’s movement promises change, but as is often the case with grass-roots uprisings, the details are fuzzy. His group is called “Civil Contract,” built on a pledge that a new government will deliver specific reform commitments to the people. Even his movement’s supporters admit they aren’t sure yet what that agenda might include. But in the excitement of Wednesday’s mass protest, the details could wait.', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'news', 0, 771, 1598, 'und', 0, 'Armenia Escapes Its Post-Soviet Malaise\r\nBy David Ignatius, The Washington Post Columnist \r\n\r\nArmenia appears at last to be breaking with its post-Soviet malaise and embracing democratic change, thanks to a grass-roots movement that has found a way, for now, to straddle Russia and the West.\r\n\r\nTens of thousands of people thronged Yerevan’s central square Wednesday night, chanting “Victory! Victory!” in what one Armenian reform supporter in the United States told me was “a celebration of the country as much as a protest.” The movement’s mass street demonstrations over the past month have deposed the prime minister, Serzh Sargsyan, and this week appeared ready to topple his long-entrenched ruling party.\r\n\r\nVideos circulating on social media Wednesday captured a country embracing the reform movement headed by Nikol Pashinyan, who is seeking to replace Sargsyan. Responding to Pashinyan’s call to shut down the capital, conservatory students played classical music at one intersection; protesters did a line dance at another; a small boy blocked a street with a lineup of toy cars, in a photo circulated by CNN.\r\n\r\nPashinyan made what sounded almost like a victory statement Wednesday, when he told the crowd, “Now, we will stop our actions for a while and rest.” On Tuesday, the Armenian parliament, controlled by Sargsyan’s party, had narrowly defeated Pashinyan’s bid to form a new government. But another vote is scheduled for May 8, and the ruling Republican Party signaled it won’t oppose the reformer.\r\n\r\nIf Pashinyan succeeds in establishing a new government, it will be in large part because the police and army refused to open fire on the protesters who turned out in huge numbers to support him. This refusal to kill fellow citizens is often the fulcrum of social change; it’s especially powerful in Armenia, which last month commemorated the anniversary of the 1915 genocide by Ottoman Turks that left more than a million Armenians dead.\r\n\r\nArmenia’s basic political dilemma over the past 25 years has been how to reconcile its pro-Western political sympathies with its military dependence on Russia. This impasse helped foster a circle of pro-Moscow oligarchs around Sargsyan, who siphoned much of the country’s wealth. For all the entrepreneurial spirit of its people, a corrupt and authoritarian Armenia never achieved the capitalist takeoff of some other former Soviet republics and Warsaw Pact countries following the Soviet Union’s demise in 1991.\r\n\r\nReformers asked why Armenia ranked below many other former Soviet-bloc countries in measures of political freedom, rule of law and economic growth. The Policy Forum Armenia, an activist group based in Washington, has compiled a series of well-documented reports on corruption, human rights and legal-reform issues.\r\n\r\nThe popular uprising has been tolerated, so far, by Russian President Vladimir Putin. He seems to have decided that it was better to sacrifice his ally, Sargsyan, than to risk losing Armenia itself. “He wanted to avoid another Ukraine,” a reform leader told me Wednesday. Because of the long kinship between Russia and Armenia, the images of protest in Yerevan may have a galvanizing effect in Russia, too.\r\n\r\nPashinyan broke through the post-Soviet morass for several reasons, his reform movement colleagues argue. First, his movement has been nonviolent and broadly based, from young people to grandmothers; “Arms up,” symbolizing civil disobedience, became a slogan of the protesters who joined Pashinyan’s march on Yerevan last month that culminated in Sargsyan’s resignation. Second, Pashinyan avoided taking sides between Russia and the West. He has walked a narrow line in what one reform leader told me was an “Armenia-centric” approach. He has reassured Moscow by saying that he doesn’t intend to withdraw from military and trade pacts with Russia if he becomes prime minister. At the same time, his pro-democracy movement has roused sympathy in Europe and the United States, offering the prospect of wider friendships for the small, embattled nation.\r\n\r\nThe Armenian reform movement has been building for the past two years, ever since armed protesters seized a police station in Yerevan in July 2016 and held it for two weeks, to protest what rebels claimed was the government’s political repression, corruption and vacillation on the emotional issue of Karabakh, an Armenian-populated enclave seized from Azerbaijan in a bloody war in 1994.\r\n\r\n“We refuse to become a region of Russia,” proclaimed one of the rebels allied with Jirair Sefilian, a Lebanese-born former Armenian military leader who was one of the organizers of the 2016 protest, which took the name “Founding Parliament.” Sefilian would be a candidate for defense minister if Pashinyan succeeds in forming a new government, though his strong pro-Western sympathies might antagonize Moscow.\r\n\r\nPashinyan’s movement promises change, but as is often the case with grass-roots uprisings, the details are fuzzy. His group is called “Civil Contract,” built on a pledge that a new government will deliver specific reform commitments to the people. Even his movement’s supporters admit they aren’t sure yet what that agenda might include. But in the excitement of Wednesday’s mass protest, the details could wait.\r\n\r\nhttps://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/post-partisan/wp/2018/05/02/armenia-escapes-its-post-soviet-malaise/?utm_term=.9aa26fe1b77a', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'news', 0, 771, 1603, 'und', 0, '<a href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/post-partisan/wp/2018/05/02/armenia-escapes-its-post-soviet-malaise/?utm_term=.9aa26fe1b77a\">Armenia Escapes Its Post-Soviet Malaise</a>\r\nBy David Ignatius, The Washington Post Columnist \r\n\r\nArmenia appears at last to be breaking with its post-Soviet malaise and embracing democratic change, thanks to a grass-roots movement that has found a way, for now, to straddle Russia and the West.\r\n\r\nTens of thousands of people thronged Yerevan’s central square Wednesday night, chanting “Victory! Victory!” in what one Armenian reform supporter in the United States told me was “a celebration of the country as much as a protest.” The movement’s mass street demonstrations over the past month have deposed the prime minister, Serzh Sargsyan, and this week appeared ready to topple his long-entrenched ruling party.\r\n\r\nVideos circulating on social media Wednesday captured a country embracing the reform movement headed by Nikol Pashinyan, who is seeking to replace Sargsyan. Responding to Pashinyan’s call to shut down the capital, conservatory students played classical music at one intersection; protesters did a line dance at another; a small boy blocked a street with a lineup of toy cars, in a photo circulated by CNN.\r\n\r\nPashinyan made what sounded almost like a victory statement Wednesday, when he told the crowd, “Now, we will stop our actions for a while and rest.” On Tuesday, the Armenian parliament, controlled by Sargsyan’s party, had narrowly defeated Pashinyan’s bid to form a new government. But another vote is scheduled for May 8, and the ruling Republican Party signaled it won’t oppose the reformer.\r\n\r\nIf Pashinyan succeeds in establishing a new government, it will be in large part because the police and army refused to open fire on the protesters who turned out in huge numbers to support him. This refusal to kill fellow citizens is often the fulcrum of social change; it’s especially powerful in Armenia, which last month commemorated the anniversary of the 1915 genocide by Ottoman Turks that left more than a million Armenians dead.\r\n\r\nArmenia’s basic political dilemma over the past 25 years has been how to reconcile its pro-Western political sympathies with its military dependence on Russia. This impasse helped foster a circle of pro-Moscow oligarchs around Sargsyan, who siphoned much of the country’s wealth. For all the entrepreneurial spirit of its people, a corrupt and authoritarian Armenia never achieved the capitalist takeoff of some other former Soviet republics and Warsaw Pact countries following the Soviet Union’s demise in 1991.\r\n\r\nReformers asked why Armenia ranked below many other former Soviet-bloc countries in measures of political freedom, rule of law and economic growth. The Policy Forum Armenia, an activist group based in Washington, has compiled a series of well-documented reports on corruption, human rights and legal-reform issues.\r\n\r\nThe popular uprising has been tolerated, so far, by Russian President Vladimir Putin. He seems to have decided that it was better to sacrifice his ally, Sargsyan, than to risk losing Armenia itself. “He wanted to avoid another Ukraine,” a reform leader told me Wednesday. Because of the long kinship between Russia and Armenia, the images of protest in Yerevan may have a galvanizing effect in Russia, too.\r\n\r\nPashinyan broke through the post-Soviet morass for several reasons, his reform movement colleagues argue. First, his movement has been nonviolent and broadly based, from young people to grandmothers; “Arms up,” symbolizing civil disobedience, became a slogan of the protesters who joined Pashinyan’s march on Yerevan last month that culminated in Sargsyan’s resignation. Second, Pashinyan avoided taking sides between Russia and the West. He has walked a narrow line in what one reform leader told me was an “Armenia-centric” approach. He has reassured Moscow by saying that he doesn’t intend to withdraw from military and trade pacts with Russia if he becomes prime minister. At the same time, his pro-democracy movement has roused sympathy in Europe and the United States, offering the prospect of wider friendships for the small, embattled nation.\r\n\r\nThe Armenian reform movement has been building for the past two years, ever since armed protesters seized a police station in Yerevan in July 2016 and held it for two weeks, to protest what rebels claimed was the government’s political repression, corruption and vacillation on the emotional issue of Karabakh, an Armenian-populated enclave seized from Azerbaijan in a bloody war in 1994.\r\n\r\n“We refuse to become a region of Russia,” proclaimed one of the rebels allied with Jirair Sefilian, a Lebanese-born former Armenian military leader who was one of the organizers of the 2016 protest, which took the name “Founding Parliament.” Sefilian would be a candidate for defense minister if Pashinyan succeeds in forming a new government, though his strong pro-Western sympathies might antagonize Moscow.\r\n\r\nPashinyan’s movement promises change, but as is often the case with grass-roots uprisings, the details are fuzzy. His group is called “Civil Contract,” built on a pledge that a new government will deliver specific reform commitments to the people. Even his movement’s supporters admit they aren’t sure yet what that agenda might include. But in the excitement of Wednesday’s mass protest, the details could wait.\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'news', 0, 771, 1604, 'und', 0, '<a href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/post-partisan/wp/2018/05/02/armenia-escapes-its-post-soviet-malaise/?utm_term=.9aa26fe1b77a\">Armenia Escapes Its Post-Soviet Malaise</a>\r\nBy David Ignatius, The Washington Post Columnist \r\n\r\nArmenia appears at last to be breaking with its post-Soviet malaise and embracing democratic change, thanks to a grass-roots movement that has found a way, for now, to straddle Russia and the West.\r\n\r\nTens of thousands of people thronged Yerevan’s central square Wednesday night, chanting “Victory! Victory!” in what one Armenian reform supporter in the United States told me was “a celebration of the country as much as a protest.” The movement’s mass street demonstrations over the past month have deposed the prime minister, Serzh Sargsyan, and this week appeared ready to topple his long-entrenched ruling party.\r\n\r\nVideos circulating on social media Wednesday captured a country embracing the reform movement headed by Nikol Pashinyan, who is seeking to replace Sargsyan. Responding to Pashinyan’s call to shut down the capital, conservatory students played classical music at one intersection; protesters did a line dance at another; a small boy blocked a street with a lineup of toy cars, in a photo circulated by CNN.\r\n\r\nPashinyan made what sounded almost like a victory statement Wednesday, when he told the crowd, “Now, we will stop our actions for a while and rest.” On Tuesday, the Armenian parliament, controlled by Sargsyan’s party, had narrowly defeated Pashinyan’s bid to form a new government. But another vote is scheduled for May 8, and the ruling Republican Party signaled it won’t oppose the reformer.\r\n\r\nIf Pashinyan succeeds in establishing a new government, it will be in large part because the police and army refused to open fire on the protesters who turned out in huge numbers to support him. This refusal to kill fellow citizens is often the fulcrum of social change; it’s especially powerful in Armenia, which last month commemorated the anniversary of the 1915 genocide by Ottoman Turks that left more than a million Armenians dead.\r\n\r\nArmenia’s basic political dilemma over the past 25 years has been how to reconcile its pro-Western political sympathies with its military dependence on Russia. This impasse helped foster a circle of pro-Moscow oligarchs around Sargsyan, who siphoned much of the country’s wealth. For all the entrepreneurial spirit of its people, a corrupt and authoritarian Armenia never achieved the capitalist takeoff of some other former Soviet republics and Warsaw Pact countries following the Soviet Union’s demise in 1991.\r\n\r\nReformers asked why Armenia ranked below many other former Soviet-bloc countries in measures of political freedom, rule of law and economic growth. The Policy Forum Armenia, an activist group based in Washington, has compiled a series of well-documented reports on corruption, human rights and legal-reform issues.\r\n\r\nThe popular uprising has been tolerated, so far, by Russian President Vladimir Putin. He seems to have decided that it was better to sacrifice his ally, Sargsyan, than to risk losing Armenia itself. “He wanted to avoid another Ukraine,” a reform leader told me Wednesday. Because of the long kinship between Russia and Armenia, the images of protest in Yerevan may have a galvanizing effect in Russia, too.\r\n\r\nPashinyan broke through the post-Soviet morass for several reasons, his reform movement colleagues argue. First, his movement has been nonviolent and broadly based, from young people to grandmothers; “Arms up,” symbolizing civil disobedience, became a slogan of the protesters who joined Pashinyan’s march on Yerevan last month that culminated in Sargsyan’s resignation. Second, Pashinyan avoided taking sides between Russia and the West. He has walked a narrow line in what one reform leader told me was an “Armenia-centric” approach. He has reassured Moscow by saying that he doesn’t intend to withdraw from military and trade pacts with Russia if he becomes prime minister. At the same time, his pro-democracy movement has roused sympathy in Europe and the United States, offering the prospect of wider friendships for the small, embattled nation.\r\n\r\nThe Armenian reform movement has been building for the past two years, ever since armed protesters seized a police station in Yerevan in July 2016 and held it for two weeks, to protest what rebels claimed was the government’s political repression, corruption and vacillation on the emotional issue of Karabakh, an Armenian-populated enclave seized from Azerbaijan in a bloody war in 1994.\r\n\r\n“We refuse to become a region of Russia,” proclaimed one of the rebels allied with Jirair Sefilian, a Lebanese-born former Armenian military leader who was one of the organizers of the 2016 protest, which took the name “Founding Parliament.” Sefilian would be a candidate for defense minister if Pashinyan succeeds in forming a new government, though his strong pro-Western sympathies might antagonize Moscow.\r\n\r\nPashinyan’s movement promises change, but as is often the case with grass-roots uprisings, the details are fuzzy. His group is called “Civil Contract,” built on a pledge that a new government will deliver specific reform commitments to the people. Even his movement’s supporters admit they aren’t sure yet what that agenda might include. But in the excitement of Wednesday’s mass protest, the details could wait.\r\n', '', 'filtered_html');

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-- Структура таблицы `field_revision_field_blog_link`
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-- Дамп данных таблицы `field_revision_field_blog_link`
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('node', 'blog_entry', 0, 625, 1232, 'und', 0, 'http://pfarmenia.wordpress.com/2013/08/22/association-agreements-with-the-eu-stepping-on-the-same-rake-again/', 'Association Agreements with the EU: Stepping on the Same Rake Again?', 'a:0:{}'),
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('node', 'blog_entry', 0, 682, 1394, 'und', 0, 'https://pfarmenia.wordpress.com/2015/03/14/diffusion-of-development-where-is-armenia/', 'Diffusion of Development: Where is Armenia?', 'a:0:{}'),
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('node', 'blog_entry', 0, 691, 1425, 'und', 0, 'https://pfarmenia.wordpress.com/2016/01/10/armenias-rigged-constitutional-referendum/', 'Armenia’s (Rigged) Constitutional Referendum', 'a:0:{}'),
('node', 'blog_entry', 0, 692, 1426, 'und', 0, 'https://pfarmenia.wordpress.com/2016/05/02/will-armenia-awaken/', 'Will Armenia Awaken?', 'a:0:{}'),
('node', 'blog_entry', 0, 700, 1445, 'und', 0, 'https://pfarmenia.wordpress.com/2016/07/25/when-people-are-fed-up/', 'When People Are Fed Up', 'a:0:{}');

-- --------------------------------------------------------

--
-- Структура таблицы `field_revision_field_blog_show_author_info`
--

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--
-- Дамп данных таблицы `field_revision_field_blog_show_author_info`
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-- --------------------------------------------------------

--
-- Структура таблицы `field_revision_field_blog_teaser`
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--
-- Дамп данных таблицы `field_revision_field_blog_teaser`
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('node', 'blog_entry', 0, 625, 1232, 'und', 0, 'How far would the EU or NATO go to provide security guarantees to Armenia if something happens in Artsakh? Can Putin-Sargsyan relation still be salvaged? ', NULL),
('node', 'blog_entry', 0, 638, 1255, 'und', 0, 'In less than two years, the world will have an opportunity to prove Adolf Hitler wrong.  It was him who, prior to embarking upon a genocidal campaign in Europe, said: “Who, after all, remembers the annihilations of the Armenians?”\r\nUnfortunately, 98 years after the onset of the Armenian Genocide, many countries worldwide still do not recognize the darkest moment of our history. ', NULL),
('node', 'blog_entry', 0, 682, 1394, 'und', 0, 'One of the key determinants of economic performance of a country is the level of its technological advancement. Technological innovations, however, are highly concentrated. More than 80 percent of the world’s research and development (R&D) expenditure are undertaken by OECD countries and United States alone takes vast share of it, making itself the technological leader of the world (OECD, 2004).', NULL),
('node', 'blog_entry', 0, 688, 1421, 'und', 0, 'It is becoming clear that Armenia is being used by Russia for its anti-Western plans in the Caucasus region and beyond. This became possible following Armenia’s decision to suddenly suspend the process of European integration on September 3, 2013 and declare its plans to join the Russia-led Eurasian Union.', NULL),
('node', 'blog_entry', 0, 691, 1425, 'und', 0, 'A December 6 referendum that transforms Armenia into a parliamentary form of government is seen as an attempt to extend the rule of President Serzh Sargsyan who, at the end of his second and final term in office, is likely to be appointed Prime Minister. (Reuters/David Mdzinarishvili)', NULL),
('node', 'blog_entry', 0, 700, 1445, 'und', 0, 'At early hours of July 17, a group of gunmen attacked a large police compound in Erebuni district of Yerevan and took several police officers hostage. All hostages were subsequently released within days in a show of good will, including a general, deputy police chief of Armenia, and a colonel, deputy chief of Yerevan police. One senior police officer was killed in a shootout, having reportedly fired nine bullets at the attackers despite repeated warnings to cease fire.', NULL);

-- --------------------------------------------------------

--
-- Структура таблицы `field_revision_field_blog_terms`
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-- --------------------------------------------------------

--
-- Структура таблицы `field_revision_field_detail_page_title`
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--
-- Дамп данных таблицы `field_revision_field_detail_page_title`
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-- --------------------------------------------------------

--
-- Структура таблицы `field_revision_field_document_attachment`
--

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  `bundle` varchar(128) CHARACTER SET latin1 NOT NULL DEFAULT '' COMMENT 'The field instance bundle to which this row belongs, used when deleting a field instance',
  `deleted` tinyint(4) NOT NULL DEFAULT '0' COMMENT 'A boolean indicating whether this data item has been deleted',
  `entity_id` int(10) UNSIGNED NOT NULL COMMENT 'The entity id this data is attached to',
  `revision_id` int(10) UNSIGNED NOT NULL COMMENT 'The entity revision id this data is attached to',
  `language` varchar(32) CHARACTER SET latin1 NOT NULL DEFAULT '' COMMENT 'The language for this data item.',
  `delta` int(10) UNSIGNED NOT NULL COMMENT 'The sequence number for this data item, used for multi-value fields',
  `field_document_attachment_fid` int(10) UNSIGNED DEFAULT NULL COMMENT 'The file_managed.fid being referenced in this field.',
  `field_document_attachment_display` tinyint(3) UNSIGNED NOT NULL DEFAULT '1' COMMENT 'Flag to control whether this file should be displayed when viewing content.',
  `field_document_attachment_description` text CHARACTER SET latin1 COMMENT 'A description of the file.',
  PRIMARY KEY (`entity_type`,`entity_id`,`revision_id`,`deleted`,`delta`,`language`),
  KEY `entity_type` (`entity_type`),
  KEY `bundle` (`bundle`),
  KEY `deleted` (`deleted`),
  KEY `entity_id` (`entity_id`),
  KEY `revision_id` (`revision_id`),
  KEY `language` (`language`),
  KEY `field_document_attachment_fid` (`field_document_attachment_fid`)
) ENGINE=InnoDB DEFAULT CHARSET=utf8 COMMENT='Revision archive storage for field 15 (field_document...';

--
-- Дамп данных таблицы `field_revision_field_document_attachment`
--

INSERT INTO `field_revision_field_document_attachment` (`entity_type`, `bundle`, `deleted`, `entity_id`, `revision_id`, `language`, `delta`, `field_document_attachment_fid`, `field_document_attachment_display`, `field_document_attachment_description`) VALUES
('node', 'document', 0, 60, 69, 'und', 0, 106, 1, ''),
('node', 'document', 0, 75, 91, 'und', 0, 113, 1, ''),
('node', 'document', 0, 77, 93, 'und', 0, 815, 1, ''),
('node', 'document', 0, 78, 94, 'und', 0, 122, 1, ''),
('node', 'document', 0, 79, 95, 'und', 0, 125, 1, ''),
('node', 'document', 0, 80, 96, 'und', 0, 127, 1, ''),
('node', 'document', 0, 84, 101, 'und', 0, 131, 1, ''),
('node', 'document', 0, 85, 102, 'und', 0, 133, 1, ''),
('node', 'document', 0, 86, 103, 'und', 0, 220, 1, ''),
('node', 'document', 0, 485, 870, 'und', 0, 768, 1, ''),
('node', 'document', 0, 640, 1266, 'und', 0, 948, 1, ''),
('node', 'document', 0, 643, 1271, 'und', 0, 940, 1, ''),
('node', 'document', 0, 680, 1391, 'und', 0, 1000, 1, 'Armenia and the West'),
('node', 'document', 0, 713, 1474, 'und', 0, 1049, 1, 'Flyer for the event'),
('node', 'document', 0, 759, 1554, 'und', 0, 1149, 1, '');

-- --------------------------------------------------------

--
-- Структура таблицы `field_revision_field_document_author`
--

CREATE TABLE IF NOT EXISTS `field_revision_field_document_author` (
  `entity_type` varchar(128) CHARACTER SET latin1 NOT NULL DEFAULT '' COMMENT 'The entity type this data is attached to',
  `bundle` varchar(128) CHARACTER SET latin1 NOT NULL DEFAULT '' COMMENT 'The field instance bundle to which this row belongs, used when deleting a field instance',
  `deleted` tinyint(4) NOT NULL DEFAULT '0' COMMENT 'A boolean indicating whether this data item has been deleted',
  `entity_id` int(10) UNSIGNED NOT NULL COMMENT 'The entity id this data is attached to',
  `revision_id` int(10) UNSIGNED NOT NULL COMMENT 'The entity revision id this data is attached to',
  `language` varchar(32) CHARACTER SET latin1 NOT NULL DEFAULT '' COMMENT 'The language for this data item.',
  `delta` int(10) UNSIGNED NOT NULL COMMENT 'The sequence number for this data item, used for multi-value fields',
  `field_document_author_nid` int(10) UNSIGNED DEFAULT NULL,
  PRIMARY KEY (`entity_type`,`entity_id`,`revision_id`,`deleted`,`delta`,`language`),
  KEY `entity_type` (`entity_type`),
  KEY `bundle` (`bundle`),
  KEY `deleted` (`deleted`),
  KEY `entity_id` (`entity_id`),
  KEY `revision_id` (`revision_id`),
  KEY `language` (`language`),
  KEY `field_document_author_nid` (`field_document_author_nid`)
) ENGINE=InnoDB DEFAULT CHARSET=utf8 COMMENT='Revision archive storage for field 16 (field_document...';

-- --------------------------------------------------------

--
-- Структура таблицы `field_revision_field_document_date`
--

CREATE TABLE IF NOT EXISTS `field_revision_field_document_date` (
  `entity_type` varchar(128) NOT NULL DEFAULT '' COMMENT 'The entity type this data is attached to',
  `bundle` varchar(128) NOT NULL DEFAULT '' COMMENT 'The field instance bundle to which this row belongs, used when deleting a field instance',
  `deleted` tinyint(4) NOT NULL DEFAULT '0' COMMENT 'A boolean indicating whether this data item has been deleted',
  `entity_id` int(10) UNSIGNED NOT NULL COMMENT 'The entity id this data is attached to',
  `revision_id` int(10) UNSIGNED NOT NULL COMMENT 'The entity revision id this data is attached to',
  `language` varchar(32) NOT NULL DEFAULT '' COMMENT 'The language for this data item.',
  `delta` int(10) UNSIGNED NOT NULL COMMENT 'The sequence number for this data item, used for multi-value fields',
  `field_document_date_value` datetime DEFAULT NULL,
  PRIMARY KEY (`entity_type`,`entity_id`,`revision_id`,`deleted`,`delta`,`language`),
  KEY `entity_type` (`entity_type`),
  KEY `bundle` (`bundle`),
  KEY `deleted` (`deleted`),
  KEY `entity_id` (`entity_id`),
  KEY `revision_id` (`revision_id`),
  KEY `language` (`language`)
) ENGINE=InnoDB DEFAULT CHARSET=utf8 COMMENT='Revision archive storage for field 49 (field_document_date)';

--
-- Дамп данных таблицы `field_revision_field_document_date`
--

INSERT INTO `field_revision_field_document_date` (`entity_type`, `bundle`, `deleted`, `entity_id`, `revision_id`, `language`, `delta`, `field_document_date_value`) VALUES
('node', 'document', 0, 60, 69, 'und', 0, '2012-10-03 00:00:00'),
('node', 'document', 0, 485, 870, 'und', 0, '2012-12-11 00:00:00'),
('node', 'document', 0, 640, 1266, 'und', 0, '2013-10-21 00:00:00'),
('node', 'document', 0, 643, 1271, 'und', 0, '2013-10-20 00:00:00'),
('node', 'document', 0, 680, 1391, 'und', 0, '2014-11-29 00:00:00'),
('node', 'document', 0, 713, 1474, 'und', 0, '2016-09-13 00:00:00'),
('node', 'document', 0, 759, 1554, 'und', 0, '2016-12-06 00:00:00');

-- --------------------------------------------------------

--
-- Структура таблицы `field_revision_field_document_terms`
--

CREATE TABLE IF NOT EXISTS `field_revision_field_document_terms` (
  `entity_type` varchar(128) CHARACTER SET latin1 NOT NULL DEFAULT '' COMMENT 'The entity type this data is attached to',
  `bundle` varchar(128) CHARACTER SET latin1 NOT NULL DEFAULT '' COMMENT 'The field instance bundle to which this row belongs, used when deleting a field instance',
  `deleted` tinyint(4) NOT NULL DEFAULT '0' COMMENT 'A boolean indicating whether this data item has been deleted',
  `entity_id` int(10) UNSIGNED NOT NULL COMMENT 'The entity id this data is attached to',
  `revision_id` int(10) UNSIGNED NOT NULL COMMENT 'The entity revision id this data is attached to',
  `language` varchar(32) CHARACTER SET latin1 NOT NULL DEFAULT '' COMMENT 'The language for this data item.',
  `delta` int(10) UNSIGNED NOT NULL COMMENT 'The sequence number for this data item, used for multi-value fields',
  `field_document_terms_tid` int(10) UNSIGNED DEFAULT NULL,
  PRIMARY KEY (`entity_type`,`entity_id`,`revision_id`,`deleted`,`delta`,`language`),
  KEY `entity_type` (`entity_type`),
  KEY `bundle` (`bundle`),
  KEY `deleted` (`deleted`),
  KEY `entity_id` (`entity_id`),
  KEY `revision_id` (`revision_id`),
  KEY `language` (`language`),
  KEY `field_document_terms_tid` (`field_document_terms_tid`)
) ENGINE=InnoDB DEFAULT CHARSET=utf8 COMMENT='Revision archive storage for field 17 (field_document_terms)';

--
-- Дамп данных таблицы `field_revision_field_document_terms`
--

INSERT INTO `field_revision_field_document_terms` (`entity_type`, `bundle`, `deleted`, `entity_id`, `revision_id`, `language`, `delta`, `field_document_terms_tid`) VALUES
('node', 'document', 0, 60, 69, 'und', 0, 2),
('node', 'document', 0, 75, 91, 'und', 0, 2),
('node', 'document', 0, 77, 93, 'und', 0, 2),
('node', 'document', 0, 78, 94, 'und', 0, 2),
('node', 'document', 0, 79, 95, 'und', 0, 2),
('node', 'document', 0, 84, 101, 'und', 0, 1),
('node', 'document', 0, 85, 102, 'und', 0, 1),
('node', 'document', 0, 86, 103, 'und', 0, 1),
('node', 'document', 0, 485, 870, 'und', 0, 2),
('node', 'document', 0, 640, 1266, 'und', 0, 2),
('node', 'document', 0, 680, 1391, 'und', 0, 2),
('node', 'document', 0, 759, 1554, 'und', 0, 2);

-- --------------------------------------------------------

--
-- Структура таблицы `field_revision_field_editors_choice_attachments`
--

CREATE TABLE IF NOT EXISTS `field_revision_field_editors_choice_attachments` (
  `entity_type` varchar(128) CHARACTER SET latin1 NOT NULL DEFAULT '' COMMENT 'The entity type this data is attached to',
  `bundle` varchar(128) CHARACTER SET latin1 NOT NULL DEFAULT '' COMMENT 'The field instance bundle to which this row belongs, used when deleting a field instance',
  `deleted` tinyint(4) NOT NULL DEFAULT '0' COMMENT 'A boolean indicating whether this data item has been deleted',
  `entity_id` int(10) UNSIGNED NOT NULL COMMENT 'The entity id this data is attached to',
  `revision_id` int(10) UNSIGNED NOT NULL COMMENT 'The entity revision id this data is attached to',
  `language` varchar(32) CHARACTER SET latin1 NOT NULL DEFAULT '' COMMENT 'The language for this data item.',
  `delta` int(10) UNSIGNED NOT NULL COMMENT 'The sequence number for this data item, used for multi-value fields',
  `field_editors_choice_attachments_fid` int(10) UNSIGNED DEFAULT NULL COMMENT 'The file_managed.fid being referenced in this field.',
  `field_editors_choice_attachments_display` tinyint(3) UNSIGNED NOT NULL DEFAULT '1' COMMENT 'Flag to control whether this file should be displayed when viewing content.',
  `field_editors_choice_attachments_description` text CHARACTER SET latin1 COMMENT 'A description of the file.',
  PRIMARY KEY (`entity_type`,`entity_id`,`revision_id`,`deleted`,`delta`,`language`),
  KEY `entity_type` (`entity_type`),
  KEY `bundle` (`bundle`),
  KEY `deleted` (`deleted`),
  KEY `entity_id` (`entity_id`),
  KEY `revision_id` (`revision_id`),
  KEY `language` (`language`),
  KEY `field_editors_choice_attachments_fid` (`field_editors_choice_attachments_fid`)
) ENGINE=InnoDB DEFAULT CHARSET=utf8 COMMENT='Revision archive storage for field 22 (field_editors...';

--
-- Дамп данных таблицы `field_revision_field_editors_choice_attachments`
--

INSERT INTO `field_revision_field_editors_choice_attachments` (`entity_type`, `bundle`, `deleted`, `entity_id`, `revision_id`, `language`, `delta`, `field_editors_choice_attachments_fid`, `field_editors_choice_attachments_display`, `field_editors_choice_attachments_description`) VALUES
('node', 'editors_choice', 0, 36, 36, 'und', 0, 89, 1, 'Press Kit Download');

-- --------------------------------------------------------

--
-- Структура таблицы `field_revision_field_editors_choice_link`
--

CREATE TABLE IF NOT EXISTS `field_revision_field_editors_choice_link` (
  `entity_type` varchar(128) CHARACTER SET latin1 NOT NULL DEFAULT '' COMMENT 'The entity type this data is attached to',
  `bundle` varchar(128) CHARACTER SET latin1 NOT NULL DEFAULT '' COMMENT 'The field instance bundle to which this row belongs, used when deleting a field instance',
  `deleted` tinyint(4) NOT NULL DEFAULT '0' COMMENT 'A boolean indicating whether this data item has been deleted',
  `entity_id` int(10) UNSIGNED NOT NULL COMMENT 'The entity id this data is attached to',
  `revision_id` int(10) UNSIGNED NOT NULL COMMENT 'The entity revision id this data is attached to',
  `language` varchar(32) CHARACTER SET latin1 NOT NULL DEFAULT '' COMMENT 'The language for this data item.',
  `delta` int(10) UNSIGNED NOT NULL COMMENT 'The sequence number for this data item, used for multi-value fields',
  `field_editors_choice_link_url` varchar(2048) CHARACTER SET latin1 DEFAULT NULL,
  `field_editors_choice_link_title` varchar(255) CHARACTER SET latin1 DEFAULT NULL,
  `field_editors_choice_link_attributes` mediumtext CHARACTER SET latin1,
  PRIMARY KEY (`entity_type`,`entity_id`,`revision_id`,`deleted`,`delta`,`language`),
  KEY `entity_type` (`entity_type`),
  KEY `bundle` (`bundle`),
  KEY `deleted` (`deleted`),
  KEY `entity_id` (`entity_id`),
  KEY `revision_id` (`revision_id`),
  KEY `language` (`language`)
) ENGINE=InnoDB DEFAULT CHARSET=utf8 COMMENT='Revision archive storage for field 23 (field_editors...';

--
-- Дамп данных таблицы `field_revision_field_editors_choice_link`
--

INSERT INTO `field_revision_field_editors_choice_link` (`entity_type`, `bundle`, `deleted`, `entity_id`, `revision_id`, `language`, `delta`, `field_editors_choice_link_url`, `field_editors_choice_link_title`, `field_editors_choice_link_attributes`) VALUES
('node', 'editors_choice', 0, 50, 50, 'und', 0, 'www.twitter.com', 'Twitter', 'a:0:{}');

-- --------------------------------------------------------

--
-- Структура таблицы `field_revision_field_editors_choice_node`
--

CREATE TABLE IF NOT EXISTS `field_revision_field_editors_choice_node` (
  `entity_type` varchar(128) CHARACTER SET latin1 NOT NULL DEFAULT '' COMMENT 'The entity type this data is attached to',
  `bundle` varchar(128) CHARACTER SET latin1 NOT NULL DEFAULT '' COMMENT 'The field instance bundle to which this row belongs, used when deleting a field instance',
  `deleted` tinyint(4) NOT NULL DEFAULT '0' COMMENT 'A boolean indicating whether this data item has been deleted',
  `entity_id` int(10) UNSIGNED NOT NULL COMMENT 'The entity id this data is attached to',
  `revision_id` int(10) UNSIGNED NOT NULL COMMENT 'The entity revision id this data is attached to',
  `language` varchar(32) CHARACTER SET latin1 NOT NULL DEFAULT '' COMMENT 'The language for this data item.',
  `delta` int(10) UNSIGNED NOT NULL COMMENT 'The sequence number for this data item, used for multi-value fields',
  `field_editors_choice_node_nid` int(10) UNSIGNED DEFAULT NULL,
  PRIMARY KEY (`entity_type`,`entity_id`,`revision_id`,`deleted`,`delta`,`language`),
  KEY `entity_type` (`entity_type`),
  KEY `bundle` (`bundle`),
  KEY `deleted` (`deleted`),
  KEY `entity_id` (`entity_id`),
  KEY `revision_id` (`revision_id`),
  KEY `language` (`language`),
  KEY `field_editors_choice_node_nid` (`field_editors_choice_node_nid`)
) ENGINE=InnoDB DEFAULT CHARSET=utf8 COMMENT='Revision archive storage for field 24 (field_editors...';

--
-- Дамп данных таблицы `field_revision_field_editors_choice_node`
--

INSERT INTO `field_revision_field_editors_choice_node` (`entity_type`, `bundle`, `deleted`, `entity_id`, `revision_id`, `language`, `delta`, `field_editors_choice_node_nid`) VALUES
('node', 'editors_choice', 0, 49, 49, 'und', 0, 28),
('node', 'editors_choice', 0, 50, 50, 'und', 0, 37);

-- --------------------------------------------------------

--
-- Структура таблицы `field_revision_field_editors_choice_show_title`
--

CREATE TABLE IF NOT EXISTS `field_revision_field_editors_choice_show_title` (
  `entity_type` varchar(128) CHARACTER SET latin1 NOT NULL DEFAULT '' COMMENT 'The entity type this data is attached to',
  `bundle` varchar(128) CHARACTER SET latin1 NOT NULL DEFAULT '' COMMENT 'The field instance bundle to which this row belongs, used when deleting a field instance',
  `deleted` tinyint(4) NOT NULL DEFAULT '0' COMMENT 'A boolean indicating whether this data item has been deleted',
  `entity_id` int(10) UNSIGNED NOT NULL COMMENT 'The entity id this data is attached to',
  `revision_id` int(10) UNSIGNED NOT NULL COMMENT 'The entity revision id this data is attached to',
  `language` varchar(32) CHARACTER SET latin1 NOT NULL DEFAULT '' COMMENT 'The language for this data item.',
  `delta` int(10) UNSIGNED NOT NULL COMMENT 'The sequence number for this data item, used for multi-value fields',
  `field_editors_choice_show_title_value` int(11) DEFAULT NULL,
  PRIMARY KEY (`entity_type`,`entity_id`,`revision_id`,`deleted`,`delta`,`language`),
  KEY `entity_type` (`entity_type`),
  KEY `bundle` (`bundle`),
  KEY `deleted` (`deleted`),
  KEY `entity_id` (`entity_id`),
  KEY `revision_id` (`revision_id`),
  KEY `language` (`language`),
  KEY `field_editors_choice_show_title_value` (`field_editors_choice_show_title_value`)
) ENGINE=InnoDB DEFAULT CHARSET=utf8 COMMENT='Revision archive storage for field 25 (field_editors...';

--
-- Дамп данных таблицы `field_revision_field_editors_choice_show_title`
--

INSERT INTO `field_revision_field_editors_choice_show_title` (`entity_type`, `bundle`, `deleted`, `entity_id`, `revision_id`, `language`, `delta`, `field_editors_choice_show_title_value`) VALUES
('node', 'editors_choice', 0, 26, 26, 'und', 0, 1),
('node', 'editors_choice', 0, 30, 30, 'und', 0, 1),
('node', 'editors_choice', 0, 30, 60, 'und', 0, 1),
('node', 'editors_choice', 0, 30, 61, 'und', 0, 1),
('node', 'editors_choice', 0, 30, 62, 'und', 0, 1),
('node', 'editors_choice', 0, 30, 63, 'und', 0, 1),
('node', 'editors_choice', 0, 30, 139, 'und', 0, 1),
('node', 'editors_choice', 0, 30, 141, 'und', 0, 1),
('node', 'editors_choice', 0, 30, 142, 'und', 0, 1),
('node', 'editors_choice', 0, 30, 143, 'und', 0, 1),
('node', 'editors_choice', 0, 30, 144, 'und', 0, 1),
('node', 'editors_choice', 0, 30, 1299, 'und', 0, 1),
('node', 'editors_choice', 0, 30, 1300, 'und', 0, 1),
('node', 'editors_choice', 0, 30, 1433, 'und', 0, 1),
('node', 'editors_choice', 0, 36, 36, 'und', 0, 0),
('node', 'editors_choice', 0, 49, 49, 'und', 0, 1),
('node', 'editors_choice', 0, 50, 50, 'und', 0, 1);

-- --------------------------------------------------------

--
-- Структура таблицы `field_revision_field_editors_choice_summary`
--

