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('node', 'press_release', 0, 168, 211, 'und', 0, 'The Executive Board of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) has completed the second review of Armenia’s economic performance under a program supported by a Stand-By Arrangement (SBA) and approved a request for a waiver of nonobservance of end-September 2009 fiscal balance performance criterion, modification of the quantitative performance criteria for end-December 2009 to reflect the revised macroeconomic framework and rephasing of purchases to make the amounts scheduled to become available following the second and third review available upon completion of the second review.\r\n\r\nThese decisions enable the immediate release of SDR 37.72 million (about US$60 million), bringing the total disbursed to SDR 301.94 million (about US$479 million). The 28-month SBA was approved on March 6, 2009 (see Press Release No. 09/68), with access augmented on June 22, 2009 (see Press Release No. 09/228).\r\n\r\nFollowing the Executive Board\'s discussion on Armenia, Mr. Takatoshi Kato, Deputy Managing Director and Acting Chair, stated:\r\n\r\n“The global crisis has continued to have a serious impact on the Armenian economy. While output appears to be stabilizing, the fall in remittances and the collapse in the construction sector have caused a more severe economic contraction and lower fiscal revenue than anticipated in the first review. The authorities have fully implemented their economic program, which calls for the continuation of fiscal and monetary easing and a flexible exchange rate.\r\n\r\n“In light of continuing weak domestic demand, the authorities will maintain fiscal easing this year, with external resources taking up the revenue slack. Expenditure will focus on undertaking anti-crisis measures, increasing capital spending, and protecting social spending. The authorities are committed to starting fiscal consolidation in 2010, with a view to ensuring medium-term debt sustainability. The program allows for additional spending should more donor financing become available to smooth the withdrawal of fiscal stimulus.\r\n\r\n“An accommodative monetary policy stance remains appropriate given low inflation. The move to a more flexible exchange rate has served Armenia well, helping the economy avoid significant overvaluation and increasing the effectiveness of monetary policy. However, given the remaining weaknesses in the monetary transmission mechanism, targeted measures now being implemented to stimulate credit are crucial.\r\n\r\n“The short-term outlook remains challenging. As external conditions improve, growth is expected to resume gradually in 2010, although risks remain, including a slower recovery of the global economy. Continued reforms, particularly in the areas of tax policy and tax reform administration, the financial sector, and the business environment will be necessary to boost the medium-term growth potential of the economy,” Mr. Kato said.', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 168, 982, 'und', 0, 'The Executive Board of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) has completed the second review of Armenia’s economic performance under a program supported by a Stand-By Arrangement (SBA) and approved a request for a waiver of nonobservance of end-September 2009 fiscal balance performance criterion, modification of the quantitative performance criteria for end-December 2009 to reflect the revised macroeconomic framework and rephasing of purchases to make the amounts scheduled to become available following the second and third review available upon completion of the second review.\r\n\r\nThese decisions enable the immediate release of SDR 37.72 million (about US$60 million), bringing the total disbursed to SDR 301.94 million (about US$479 million). The 28-month SBA was approved on March 6, 2009 (see Press Release No. 09/68), with access augmented on June 22, 2009 (see Press Release No. 09/228).\r\n\r\nFollowing the Executive Board\'s discussion on Armenia, Mr. Takatoshi Kato, Deputy Managing Director and Acting Chair, stated:\r\n\r\n“The global crisis has continued to have a serious impact on the Armenian economy. While output appears to be stabilizing, the fall in remittances and the collapse in the construction sector have caused a more severe economic contraction and lower fiscal revenue than anticipated in the first review. The authorities have fully implemented their economic program, which calls for the continuation of fiscal and monetary easing and a flexible exchange rate.\r\n\r\n“In light of continuing weak domestic demand, the authorities will maintain fiscal easing this year, with external resources taking up the revenue slack. Expenditure will focus on undertaking anti-crisis measures, increasing capital spending, and protecting social spending. The authorities are committed to starting fiscal consolidation in 2010, with a view to ensuring medium-term debt sustainability. The program allows for additional spending should more donor financing become available to smooth the withdrawal of fiscal stimulus.\r\n\r\n“An accommodative monetary policy stance remains appropriate given low inflation. The move to a more flexible exchange rate has served Armenia well, helping the economy avoid significant overvaluation and increasing the effectiveness of monetary policy. However, given the remaining weaknesses in the monetary transmission mechanism, targeted measures now being implemented to stimulate credit are crucial.\r\n\r\n“The short-term outlook remains challenging. As external conditions improve, growth is expected to resume gradually in 2010, although risks remain, including a slower recovery of the global economy. Continued reforms, particularly in the areas of tax policy and tax reform administration, the financial sector, and the business environment will be necessary to boost the medium-term growth potential of the economy,” Mr. Kato said.', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 169, 208, 'und', 0, 'Armenia will not reach a higher level of development unless its leadership changes the “oligopolistic” structure of the national economy, bolsters the rule of law and shows “zero tolerance” of corruption, the World Bank’s managing director warned over the weekend.\r\n\r\n“I think you can only go so far with this economic model,” Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala told a news conference in Yerevan. “Armenia is a lower middle-income country. If it wants to become a high-income or upper middle-income country, it can not do so with this kind of economic structure. That is clear.”\r\n\r\nThe unusually blunt message came on the second day of Okonjo-Iweala’s visit to Armenia during which she met with Prime Minister Tigran Sarkisian and local business and civil society representatives and toured several rural communities to inspect the implementation of infrastructure projects financed by the World Bank. She also had a lunch meeting with President Serzh Sarkisian on Sunday.\r\n\r\nThe Armenian authorities’ efforts to mitigate the effects of the global financial crisis on the country was the main focus of the talks. Okonjo-Iweala reaffirmed the World Bank’s strong support for their anti-crisis measures which has translated into the disbursement of over $200 million in various low-interest loans so far this year. But she also stressed that the recession has exposed “some vulnerabilities” of the Armenian economy that need to be urgently addressed.\r\n\r\n“Looking to the future, it is very clear that if Armenia is to come out of the crisis well and grow in the future, it has to confront some central challenges,” said Okonjo-Iweala. “It has to confront a challenge of competition. The economy needs to open up to more competition.”\r\n\r\n“You strongly have to work to make sure that the economy is not captured by oligopolistic structures,” she added, apparently alluding to a widely held belief that many forms of large-scale and lucrative economic activity in Armenia have been effectively monopolized by a small number of wealthy individuals and their government patrons.\r\n\r\nOkonjo-Iweala also called for a sweeping reform of tax and customs administration, the creation of a “strong and independent judicial system” as well as a tough fight against government corruption. “You have to fight corruption very strongly if this economy is to have a chance to grow in the future,” she stated.\r\n\r\nThe Armenian authorities claim to have stepped up their anti-corruption efforts in recent years, adopting various anti-graft programs and forming special bodies tasked with their implementation. However, anti-draft watchdogs and other civic group see no significant decrease in the scale of corrupt practices among various state officials.\r\n\r\nIn particular, the Armenian affiliate of the Berlin-based Transparency International believes that the country’s rulers are inherently disinterested in combating graft because they themselves have extensive business interests and are heavily reliant on the political backing of “oligarchs” enjoying privileged government treatment. Indeed, many government, law-enforcement and other officials in Armenia own lucrative businesses, both directly and through their cronies, and/or share in the profits of other firms sponsored by them.\r\n\r\nWhen asked to comment on the perception that the Armenian leadership has a vested interest in preserving the existing economic system, Okonjo-Iweala said, “I think this is a question that the Armenian people will also have to work on and decide for themselves. But obviously … it will be in the self-interests of everyone in the country, both policy-makers and citizens, if more competition is introduced.”\r\n\r\nThe number two figure in the World Bank leadership suggested that Prime Minister Sarkisian is “strongly wishing to move on reforms.” “I think he fully realizes that these challenges are there and that if they are not tackled it will be an impediment for the economy,” she said.\r\n\r\nSarkisian’s commitment to reform is also acknowledged by local commentators. However, few of them think that the former governor of the Armenian Central Bank has the political clout and power to effect the kind of changes that are sought by the World Bank.\r\n\r\nA statement issued by the Armenian government after Sarkisian’s meeting with Okonjo-Iweala on Saturday said the premier briefed her on “the course of ongoing reforms that are primarily aimed at improving tax and customs administration. He said she success of those reforms would significantly improve country’s business environment and expressed readiness to engage foreign experts in their implementation, the statement said.\r\n\r\n“You can deal with the technical issues but what you need is a political will to say, ‘Look, we are going to have zero tolerance of corruption in these areas,’” Okonjo-Iweala told journalists the next day. “So we hope the prime minister will get support -- and I hope to meet with the president -- and that there will be support for this zero tolerance.”\r\n\r\nTigran Sarkisian declared tax reform a top priority shortly after being appointed prime minister in April 2008. He swiftly managed to reduce, with President Sarkisian’s assistance, bribery and favoritism within Armenia’s notoriously corrupt customs service.\r\n\r\nHowever, some local entrepreneurs now say that corruption among customs officials, which is greatly facilitated by their discretionary power to determine the market value of imported goods, has been on the rise this year. “The customs may now be even more corrupt than it was under [former President Robert] Kocharian,” one importer alleged recently.\r\n\r\nThe businessman, who did not want to be identified, told RFE/RL that local firms importing goods can easily contact intermediary firms that can help them pay less import duties in return for a cash payment. Those firms have close ties with the leadership of the State Revenue Committee (SRC), he claimed.\r\n\r\nOnly one Armenian businessman has made such allegations publicly to date. Gagik Hakobian, one of the owners of the Royal Armenia coffee packaging company, claimed in 2004 to have been offered to engage in a fraud scam with senior customs officials, including Gagik Khachatrian, the current SRC chief. Hakobian was subsequently arrested and sentenced to six years in prison on controversial fraud charges.', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 169, 209, 'und', 0, 'Armenia will not reach a higher level of development unless its leadership changes the “oligopolistic” structure of the national economy, bolsters the rule of law and shows “zero tolerance” of corruption, the World Bank’s managing director warned over the weekend.\r\n\r\n“I think you can only go so far with this economic model,” Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala told a news conference in Yerevan. “Armenia is a lower middle-income country. If it wants to become a high-income or upper middle-income country, it can not do so with this kind of economic structure. That is clear.”\r\n\r\nThe unusually blunt message came on the second day of Okonjo-Iweala’s visit to Armenia during which she met with Prime Minister Tigran Sarkisian and local business and civil society representatives and toured several rural communities to inspect the implementation of infrastructure projects financed by the World Bank. She also had a lunch meeting with President Serzh Sarkisian on Sunday.\r\n\r\nThe Armenian authorities’ efforts to mitigate the effects of the global financial crisis on the country was the main focus of the talks. Okonjo-Iweala reaffirmed the World Bank’s strong support for their anti-crisis measures which has translated into the disbursement of over $200 million in various low-interest loans so far this year. But she also stressed that the recession has exposed “some vulnerabilities” of the Armenian economy that need to be urgently addressed.\r\n\r\n“Looking to the future, it is very clear that if Armenia is to come out of the crisis well and grow in the future, it has to confront some central challenges,” said Okonjo-Iweala. “It has to confront a challenge of competition. The economy needs to open up to more competition.”\r\n\r\n“You strongly have to work to make sure that the economy is not captured by oligopolistic structures,” she added, apparently alluding to a widely held belief that many forms of large-scale and lucrative economic activity in Armenia have been effectively monopolized by a small number of wealthy individuals and their government patrons.\r\n\r\nOkonjo-Iweala also called for a sweeping reform of tax and customs administration, the creation of a “strong and independent judicial system” as well as a tough fight against government corruption. “You have to fight corruption very strongly if this economy is to have a chance to grow in the future,” she stated.\r\n\r\nThe Armenian authorities claim to have stepped up their anti-corruption efforts in recent years, adopting various anti-graft programs and forming special bodies tasked with their implementation. However, anti-draft watchdogs and other civic group see no significant decrease in the scale of corrupt practices among various state officials.\r\n\r\nIn particular, the Armenian affiliate of the Berlin-based Transparency International believes that the country’s rulers are inherently disinterested in combating graft because they themselves have extensive business interests and are heavily reliant on the political backing of “oligarchs” enjoying privileged government treatment. Indeed, many government, law-enforcement and other officials in Armenia own lucrative businesses, both directly and through their cronies, and/or share in the profits of other firms sponsored by them.\r\n\r\nWhen asked to comment on the perception that the Armenian leadership has a vested interest in preserving the existing economic system, Okonjo-Iweala said, “I think this is a question that the Armenian people will also have to work on and decide for themselves. But obviously … it will be in the self-interests of everyone in the country, both policy-makers and citizens, if more competition is introduced.”\r\n\r\nThe number two figure in the World Bank leadership suggested that Prime Minister Sarkisian is “strongly wishing to move on reforms.” “I think he fully realizes that these challenges are there and that if they are not tackled it will be an impediment for the economy,” she said.\r\n\r\nSarkisian’s commitment to reform is also acknowledged by local commentators. However, few of them think that the former governor of the Armenian Central Bank has the political clout and power to effect the kind of changes that are sought by the World Bank.\r\n\r\nA statement issued by the Armenian government after Sarkisian’s meeting with Okonjo-Iweala on Saturday said the premier briefed her on “the course of ongoing reforms that are primarily aimed at improving tax and customs administration. He said she success of those reforms would significantly improve country’s business environment and expressed readiness to engage foreign experts in their implementation, the statement said.\r\n\r\n“You can deal with the technical issues but what you need is a political will to say, ‘Look, we are going to have zero tolerance of corruption in these areas,’” Okonjo-Iweala told journalists the next day. “So we hope the prime minister will get support -- and I hope to meet with the president -- and that there will be support for this zero tolerance.”\r\n\r\nTigran Sarkisian declared tax reform a top priority shortly after being appointed prime minister in April 2008. He swiftly managed to reduce, with President Sarkisian’s assistance, bribery and favoritism within Armenia’s notoriously corrupt customs service.\r\n\r\nHowever, some local entrepreneurs now say that corruption among customs officials, which is greatly facilitated by their discretionary power to determine the market value of imported goods, has been on the rise this year. “The customs may now be even more corrupt than it was under [former President Robert] Kocharian,” one importer alleged recently.\r\n\r\nThe businessman, who did not want to be identified, told RFE/RL that local firms importing goods can easily contact intermediary firms that can help them pay less import duties in return for a cash payment. Those firms have close ties with the leadership of the State Revenue Committee (SRC), he claimed.\r\n\r\nOnly one Armenian businessman has made such allegations publicly to date. Gagik Hakobian, one of the owners of the Royal Armenia coffee packaging company, claimed in 2004 to have been offered to engage in a fraud scam with senior customs officials, including Gagik Khachatrian, the current SRC chief. Hakobian was subsequently arrested and sentenced to six years in prison on controversial fraud charges.', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 169, 220, 'und', 0, 'Armenia will not reach a higher level of development unless its leadership changes the “oligopolistic” structure of the national economy, bolsters the rule of law and shows “zero tolerance” of corruption, the World Bank’s managing director warned over the weekend.\r\n\r\n“I think you can only go so far with this economic model,” Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala told a news conference in Yerevan. “Armenia is a lower middle-income country. If it wants to become a high-income or upper middle-income country, it can not do so with this kind of economic structure. That is clear.”\r\n\r\nThe unusually blunt message came on the second day of Okonjo-Iweala’s visit to Armenia during which she met with Prime Minister Tigran Sarkisian and local business and civil society representatives and toured several rural communities to inspect the implementation of infrastructure projects financed by the World Bank. She also had a lunch meeting with President Serzh Sarkisian on Sunday.\r\n\r\nThe Armenian authorities’ efforts to mitigate the effects of the global financial crisis on the country was the main focus of the talks. Okonjo-Iweala reaffirmed the World Bank’s strong support for their anti-crisis measures which has translated into the disbursement of over $200 million in various low-interest loans so far this year. But she also stressed that the recession has exposed “some vulnerabilities” of the Armenian economy that need to be urgently addressed.\r\n\r\n“Looking to the future, it is very clear that if Armenia is to come out of the crisis well and grow in the future, it has to confront some central challenges,” said Okonjo-Iweala. “It has to confront a challenge of competition. The economy needs to open up to more competition.”\r\n\r\n“You strongly have to work to make sure that the economy is not captured by oligopolistic structures,” she added, apparently alluding to a widely held belief that many forms of large-scale and lucrative economic activity in Armenia have been effectively monopolized by a small number of wealthy individuals and their government patrons.\r\n\r\nOkonjo-Iweala also called for a sweeping reform of tax and customs administration, the creation of a “strong and independent judicial system” as well as a tough fight against government corruption. “You have to fight corruption very strongly if this economy is to have a chance to grow in the future,” she stated.\r\n\r\nThe Armenian authorities claim to have stepped up their anti-corruption efforts in recent years, adopting various anti-graft programs and forming special bodies tasked with their implementation. However, anti-draft watchdogs and other civic group see no significant decrease in the scale of corrupt practices among various state officials.\r\n\r\nIn particular, the Armenian affiliate of the Berlin-based Transparency International believes that the country’s rulers are inherently disinterested in combating graft because they themselves have extensive business interests and are heavily reliant on the political backing of “oligarchs” enjoying privileged government treatment. Indeed, many government, law-enforcement and other officials in Armenia own lucrative businesses, both directly and through their cronies, and/or share in the profits of other firms sponsored by them.\r\n\r\nWhen asked to comment on the perception that the Armenian leadership has a vested interest in preserving the existing economic system, Okonjo-Iweala said, “I think this is a question that the Armenian people will also have to work on and decide for themselves. But obviously … it will be in the self-interests of everyone in the country, both policy-makers and citizens, if more competition is introduced.”\r\n\r\nThe number two figure in the World Bank leadership suggested that Prime Minister Sarkisian is “strongly wishing to move on reforms.” “I think he fully realizes that these challenges are there and that if they are not tackled it will be an impediment for the economy,” she said.\r\n\r\nSarkisian’s commitment to reform is also acknowledged by local commentators. However, few of them think that the former governor of the Armenian Central Bank has the political clout and power to effect the kind of changes that are sought by the World Bank.\r\n\r\nA statement issued by the Armenian government after Sarkisian’s meeting with Okonjo-Iweala on Saturday said the premier briefed her on “the course of ongoing reforms that are primarily aimed at improving tax and customs administration. He said she success of those reforms would significantly improve country’s business environment and expressed readiness to engage foreign experts in their implementation, the statement said.\r\n\r\n“You can deal with the technical issues but what you need is a political will to say, ‘Look, we are going to have zero tolerance of corruption in these areas,’” Okonjo-Iweala told journalists the next day. “So we hope the prime minister will get support -- and I hope to meet with the president -- and that there will be support for this zero tolerance.”\r\n\r\nTigran Sarkisian declared tax reform a top priority shortly after being appointed prime minister in April 2008. He swiftly managed to reduce, with President Sarkisian’s assistance, bribery and favoritism within Armenia’s notoriously corrupt customs service.\r\n\r\nHowever, some local entrepreneurs now say that corruption among customs officials, which is greatly facilitated by their discretionary power to determine the market value of imported goods, has been on the rise this year. “The customs may now be even more corrupt than it was under [former President Robert] Kocharian,” one importer alleged recently.\r\n\r\nThe businessman, who did not want to be identified, told RFE/RL that local firms importing goods can easily contact intermediary firms that can help them pay less import duties in return for a cash payment. Those firms have close ties with the leadership of the State Revenue Committee (SRC), he claimed.\r\n\r\nOnly one Armenian businessman has made such allegations publicly to date. Gagik Hakobian, one of the owners of the Royal Armenia coffee packaging company, claimed in 2004 to have been offered to engage in a fraud scam with senior customs officials, including Gagik Khachatrian, the current SRC chief. Hakobian was subsequently arrested and sentenced to six years in prison on controversial fraud charges.', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 171, 213, 'und', 0, 'The Armenian Sociological Association held a survey among 1000 Yerevan residents between September 21 to 25 to find out Armenian society\'s opinion of improvement of Armenian-Turkish relations. Association Chairman Gevorg Poghosian said at an October 19 press conference that Armenian society does not accept that issue unequivocally.\r\n\r\nAccording to the survey, 52.4% Yerevan residents is against ratification of the protocols and 40% is against opening of the Armenian-Turkish border. G. Poghosian said that surveys were held in Turkey, as well, and according to them, before signing the protocols the considerable part of Turkish society, nearly 70% was against the protocols, while after the signing that index decreased up to 53-54%. Thus, according to G. Poghosian, Armenian and Turkish societies are not ready for improvement of relations. According to his estimation, the authorities of both countries overcome difficulties to ratify the protocols. \"It means that the whole process should have been explained to society in detail. Our and Turkish authorities did not make sufficient efforts in this direction, as a result of which we meet resistance both in Armenia and in Turkey,\" G. Poghosian said.\r\n\r\nIn his opinion, for many of RA citizens it is not clear up to the present why Armenia makes such\r\n\r\nconcessions. In his words, if we mean the blockade Turkey initiated in 1993 to punish Armenia, let Turkey itself open the border.', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'profile', 0, 173, 215, 'und', 0, 'Alice Agulian interned with PFA in summer 2012 whilst participating in the Terjenian-Thomas Assembly Internship program. Alice graduated from the University of Manchester (UK) in 2011 with a BA (Honors) in Economics and Development studies with plans to complete a graduate degree in Economic Development. While interning at PFA, Alice helped put together a database on Armenian organizations worldwide, with guidance from Hrach Kalsahakian and David Grigorian. Alice is back in the UK and is currently pursuing her studies in Law.', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'profile', 0, 174, 216, 'und', 0, 'Marine Sargsyan interned with PFA in winter 2010 through the University of California Washington DC Academic Internship Program (UCDC) while an undergraduate student at UC, Irvine. She managed to work on a research project on Returns to Education in Armenia, and helped with the preparation of an International Forum on Armenian Diaspora organized by PFA. Her tasks included liaising with presenters/panelists and managing the logistical aspects of the event. She received M.A. degree in Economics from UC, Santa Barbara, and a B.A. (with magna cum laude) from UC, Irvine with a specialization in International Issues in Economics. Marine is actively involved in Los Angeles community serving as a volunteer at Catholic Charities’ Immigration and Refugee department.   ', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'profile', 0, 175, 217, 'und', 0, 'Sosseh Taimoorian was accepted into the Terjenian-Thomas Assembly Internship program in summer 2011, through which she was able to intern for both the PFA and the Armenian National Institute. While interning for PFA, Sosseh worked on drafting a research policy paper proposal on migratory trends in Armenia. Her research involved collecting and cataloguing all sources of data referencing social and economic trends such as demographics, labor forces, internal/external migration, natural birth/death rates, remittances, etc. Sosseh’s work was used to help PFA’s lead researchers prepare for a larger study. Sosseh graduated from the University of California, Berkeley in 2012 with a BA in Urban Studies and a concentration in Global Poverty. She currently resides in Los Angeles, CA and plans to begin her Master’s program in Geographic Information Systems in Fall 2013.', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 176, 218, 'und', 0, 'Below is the complete list of statements and testimonies made during the hearings:\r\n\r\nStatement - Rep. Alcee Hastings (R-FL)\r\n\r\nStatement - Rep. Christopher Smith (R-NJ)\r\n\r\nStatement - Sen. Ben Cardin (D-MD)\r\n\r\nTestimony - Matt Bryza (US State Department)\r\n\r\nTestimony - Vigen Sargsyan (Government Rep.)\r\n\r\nTestimony - Arman Grigorian (Opposition Rep.)\r\n\r\nTestimony (Written) - Giorgi Gogia (Human Rights Watch)\r\n\r\nUnofficial Transcript\r\n\r\nSelect quotes from Chairman Hastings:\r\n\r\n\"...if ..., Mr. Sargsyan, ... you tell me there are no political prisoners, then I will tell you that you\'re out of your ever-loving mind, because there are.\"\r\n\r\n\"...Now, one need not live but just a little while to remember the 1996 election, and the acknowledgement of the then internal minister that the election results were rigged, which by any logic would question the moral authority of Mr. [Ter-]Petrossian to raise question about rigged elections.\"\r\n\r\n\"...I will work hard, as I have, to try to help Armenia. But I\'m not so sure that I will do it from either of your vantage points. I will do it from an Armenian vantage point, not from the vantage point of one side against another side. All of you have good points, and all of you have bad points. So if I\'ve offended you, it\'s deliberate.\"\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 177, 219, 'und', 0, 'Robert Fisk, The Independent, 8 October 2009\r\n\r\nIn the autumn of 1915, an Austrian engineer called Litzmayer, who was helping build the Constantinople-Baghdad railway, saw what he thought was a large Turkish army heading for Mesopotamia. But as the crowd came closer, he realised it was a huge caravan of women, moving forward under the supervision of soldiers.\r\n\r\nThe 40,000 or so women were all Armenians, separated from their men – most of whom had already had their throats cut by Turkish gendarmerie – and deported on a genocidal death march during which up to 1.5 million Armenians died.\r\n\r\nSubjected to constant rape and beatings, some had already swallowed poison on their way from their homes in Erzerum, Serena, Sivas, Bitlis and other cities in Turkish western Armenia. \"Some of them,\" Bishop Grigoris Balakian, one of Litzmayer\'s contemporaries, recorded, \"had been driven to such a state that they were mere skeletons enveloped in rags, with skin that had turned leathery, burned from the sun, cold, and wind. Many pregnant women, having become numb, had left their newborns on the side of the road as a protest against mankind and God.\" Every year, new evidence emerges about this mass ethnic cleansing, the first holocaust of the last century; and every year, Turkey denies that it ever committed genocide.\r\n\r\nYet on Saturday – to the horror of millions of descendants of Armenian survivors – the President of Armenia, Serg Sarkissian, plans to agree to a protocol with Turkey to re-open diplomatic relations, which should allow for new trade concessions and oil interests. And he proposes to do this without honouring his most important promise to Armenians abroad – to demand that Turkey admit it carried out the Armenian genocide in 1915.\r\n\r\nIn Beirut yesterday, outside Mr Sarkissian\'s hotel, thousands of Armenians protested against this trade-for-denial treaty. \"We will not forget,\" their banners read. \"Armenian history is not for sale.\" They called the President a traitor. \"Why should our million and a half martyrs be put up for sale?\" one of them asked. \"And what about our Armenian lands in Turkey, the homes our grandparents left behind? Sarkissian is selling them too.\"\r\n\r\nThe sad truth is that the 5.7 million Armenian diaspora, scattered across Russia, the US, France, Lebanon and many other countries, are the descendants of the western Armenians who bore the brunt of Turkish Ottoman brutality in 1915.\r\n\r\nTiny, landlocked, modern-day Armenia – its population a mere 3.2 million, living in what was once called eastern Armenia – is poor, flaunts a dubious version of democracy and is deeply corrupt. It relies on remittances from its wealthier cousins overseas; hence Mr Sarkissian\'s hopeless mission to New York, Los Angeles, Paris, Beirut and Rostov-on-Don to persuade them to support the treaty, to be signed by the Armenian and Turkish Foreign Ministers in Switzerland.\r\n\r\nThe Turks have also been trumpeting a possible settlement to the territory of Nagorno-Karabagh, part of historic Armenia seized from Azerbaijan by Armenian militias almost two decades ago – not without a little ethnic cleansing by Armenians, it should be added. But it is the refusal of the Yerevan government to make Turkey\'s acknowledgement of the genocide a condition of talks that has infuriated the diaspora.\r\n\r\n\"The Armenian government is trying to sweeten the taste for us by suggesting that Turkish and Armenian historians sit down to decide what happened in 1915,\" one of the Armenians protesting in Beirut said.\r\n\r\n\"But would the Israelis maintain diplomatic relations if the German government suddenly called the Jewish Holocaust into question and suggested it all be mulled over by historians?\"\r\n\r\nBetrayal has always been in the air. Barack Obama was the third successive US President to promise Armenian electors that he would acknowledge the genocide if he won office – and then to betray them, once elected, by refusing even to use the word. Despite thunderous denunciations in the aftermath of the Armenian genocide by Lloyd George and Churchill – the first British politician to call it a holocaust – the Foreign Office also now meekly claims that the \"details\" of the 1915 massacres are still in question. Yet still the evidence comes in, even from this newspaper\'s readers. In a letter to me, an Australian, Robert Davidson, said his grandfather, John \"Jock\" Davidson, a First World War veteran of the Australian Light Horse, had witnessed the Armenian genocide: \"He wrote of the hundreds of Armenian carcasses outside the walls of Homs. They were men, women and children and were all naked and had been left to rot or be devoured by dogs.\r\n\r\n\"The Australian Light Horsemen were appalled at the brutality done to these people. In another instance his company came upon an Armenian woman and two children in skeletal condition. She signed to them that the Turks had cut the throats of her husband and two elder children.\"\r\n\r\nIn his new book on Bishop Balakian, Armenian Golgotha, the historian Peter Balakian (the bishop\'s great-nephew) records how British soldiers who had surrendered to the Turks at Kut al-Amara in present-day Iraq and were sent on their own death march north – of 13,000 British and Indian soldiers, only 1,600 would survive – had spoken of frightful scenes of Armenian carnage near Deir ez-Zour, not far from Homs in Syria. \"In those vast deserts,\" the Bishop said, \"they had come upon piles of human bones, crushed skulls, and skeletons stretched out everywhere, and heaps of skeletons of murdered children.\"\r\n\r\nWhen the foreign ministers sit down to sign their protocol in Switzerland on Saturday, they must hope that blood does not run out of their pens.\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 178, 221, 'und', 0, 'The history of the Armenian people has been an ordeal of suffering, tragedy, and genocide. In this millennial series of misfortunes, however, never has the nation invited destruction upon itself.\r\n\r\nBut today it stands at the brink, with a small group of improperly elected leaders apparently racing toward a forsaking of both identity and interest.\r\n\r\nWith the stroke of a pen, the Armenian president and his foreign minister have crossed the line of danger and dignity; in Zurich, Switzerland on October 10, 2009, they resigned from a long-standing national quest to preserve the fundamental rights, security, and integrity of an ancient land and its native heirs.\r\n\r\nThe signing of the two diplomatic “protocols” between Armenia and Turkey might indeed constitute the latest entry in the ledger of crimes committed, and covered up, against the Armenian nation.\r\n\r\nCore Values are Not Commodities\r\n\r\nAs a servant of the Armenian nation, reflecting both prior office and present opposition, I am appalled by this latest offense. As an Armenian citizen, for many years denied that honor by successive authorities, I ache as the soul of our nation is traded away for illusory promises of “good will” and “open borders” with Turkey.\r\n\r\nOur vital values, from our collective responsibility as heirs of the Genocide to our individual expression of liberty and belonging, are not commodities. That unrequited murderous conception of 1915—the original plan to drive to extinction the Armenian people, the Armenian homeland, and so the Armenian species—is one of the principal sources of our modern identity, just as its equitable resolution is the anchor of our future national security.\r\n\r\nThis is Duplicity, Not Diplomacy\r\n\r\nWhat will “open borders,” a courtesy commonly extended at no cost to all civilized nations, cost the Armenians?\r\n\r\nOf course every Armenian seeks peace, prosperity, and good-neighborly relations. But what we have in these protocols is only an expensive illusion of them.\r\n\r\nThe ends, generally stated, are sound: Open borders and normal diplomatic relations among neighbors are pure and prudent goals. But the means we use must be as pure and prudent as the ends we seek. Unfortunately, the secretive diplomatic process launched by the Armenian and Turkish administrations is defective at the fundaments, sourced as they are in bloody soil, where a pronounced asymmetry of power survives to this day.\r\n\r\nFirst, the protocols stipulate that Armenia relinquish its lawful historic rights and extend an unlimited de jure recognition of Turkey’s de facto borders, which were drawn and defined on the very basis of the eradication and violent dispossession of the Armenian people from its ancestral heartland. In so doing they demand, and have received, the Armenian presidency’s endorsement of that fantastic crime against humanity which has deprived generations of Armenians of its civilization, heritage, and patrimony.\r\n\r\nSecond, the protocols entail a joint condemnation of terrorism, yet fail to include any corresponding renunciation of the broader criminal outrage of genocide.\r\n\r\nThird, the protocols impose a requirement for a “dialogue on the historical dimension” of relations. This measure, representing a unilateral attempt at imprisoning the Armenian genocide in a bilateral echo chamber, not only challenges the untouchable veracity of the Genocide, but secures the complicity of the Armenian state in absolving Turkey of any responsibility for its genocidal actions.\r\n\r\nOnce these terms are brought to life, absolutely little will remain of the legitimate expectation to secure Turkey’s and the world’s reaffirmation of and redemption for the Genocide. Turkey will forever deflect and delay liabilities for its genocidal acts by leveraging the infinite and inconclusive nature of the bilateral “dialogue.”\r\n\r\nNormalization or not, these protocols move us not one inch toward reconciliation, that pure and total communion based on the truth—a brave recognition of all aspects of shared Turkish-Armenian history, including the great genocide and national dispossession of the Armenian people.\r\n\r\nThe Protocols in the Proper Perspective\r\n\r\nIn all the pomp and circumstance of diplomatic “breakthroughs,” we cannot forget that the burden of “normalization” rests, as it always has rested, with the Turkish republic. The decisions to close the border with Armenia and to withhold normal diplomatic relations—violations, both, of all viable international norms—were decisions that Turkey made and realized on its own. Hence, each of the Turkish “concessions” reflected in the protocols represents only the most basic minimum commitment of a decent and civilized country.\r\n\r\nTurkey’s bare and stated readiness to open borders and normalize relations—the extent of its responsibilities in the framework of the protocols—is, therefore, a non-event. No international initiative should have been necessary for those moves. And that Turkey has made that determination now—only after accepting the sacrifice of an entire nation—deserves not praise but continued skepticism in the substance behind its diplomatic flourishes, whether they relate to the European Union or broader geopolitical objectives.\r\n\r\nFrom Protocols to Parliaments\r\n\r\nNow that the Armenian and Turkish sides have signed these protocols, the second stage, of ratification, is set for the parliaments at Yerevan and Ankara.\r\n\r\nRegrettably, dispensing with a parliament’s traditional role of advice and consent in the foreign policy of state, the executives have imposed a prohibition on amending or altering these protocols in any way. While this stands in clear contradiction with democratic standards and practices, it also denies the public and its members in each country the right to exercise or engage their opinions in this process. This extraordinary methodology flies in the face of customary diplomatic practice, which calls for the establishment of official relations through a simple exchange of notes.\r\n\r\nThe scheme here is plain, perfectly tailored, and aimed at tying down for good history’s loose ends. Soon the Armenian National Assembly, too, will be called upon to bear complicit responsibility in giving legislative validation nearly 90 years after the fact to the illegal Bolshevik-Kemalist pacts which crowned the genocidal process and sought to seal the fate of the Armenian nation.\r\n\r\nWhat is more, not content with pursuing this official acceptance of Turkey\'s long-standing occupation of the Armenian homeland, its leaders will continue audaciously to abuse every turn of the ratification process in order to deflect their own culpability by linking implementation of the protocols and lifting of the Turkish blockade with what they pitch as the “occupied territories of Azerbaijan.” Clearly, that would be a disingenuous and inapposite reference to the freedom-loving people of Mountainous Karabagh, its odds-defying liberation and constitutional decolonization from the Turco-Stalinist legacy, and its resultant territorial integrity.\r\n\r\nIn the final analysis, Armenian and Turkish citizens have been refused both voice and choice in determining the outcome of an immensely significant process that will forge the future course of both countries. This is especially distressing, because on the judgments to be made in the coming weeks and months shall turn the fate of generations to come—and their imperative to face history, remember collectively, and bridge in earnest the great Turkish-Armenian divide.\r\n\r\nRaffi K. Hovannisian\r\n\r\nOctober 12, 2009\r\n\r\nYerevan', '', 'filtered_html');
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('node', 'press_release', 0, 179, 222, 'und', 0, 'May Day is a pagan ritual which marks the end of the colder winter half of the year in the Northern hemisphere, and it has traditionally been an occasion for popular and often raucous celebrations – ‘regardless of the locally prevalent political establishment’. But not for Levon Ter-Petrossian, his Mayday was more akin to the Mayday associated with the emergency code word used internationally as a distress signal by ships and airplanes in radio communications; derived from the French venez m\'aider, meaning \'Come Help Me\'; the Mayday used to signal a life-threatening emergency by groups such as police forces, pilots, fire-fighters, and transportation organizations – and LTP.\r\n\r\nYesterday, LTP’s ocean liner was visibly in distress, suffering relentless buffeting from an Armenian regime which terrorized and killed itself into office; which runs a state-imposed lawless society, holds democratic opposition supporters in prisons, and bullies and beats correspondents who try to tell the story. LTP has finally been trumped by the ‘Flying Ace’ which Kocharian has for years kept tucked up his sleeve and which Sargsyan now flaunts with his international partners-in-crime; the ace of capitulation – on Karabakh and on Genocide.\r\n\r\nNevertheless, the regime had prepared well for a potentially massive turnout, which might have been the case. But, according to Levon Zurabyan, vehicles bringing LTP supporters to the meeting from outlying regions were turned back in traditional regime style by security services brandishing automatic weapons at the city limits. In contrast, outgoing vehicles were encouraged to take their Mayday holidaymakers to tend their plots of land in the countryside.\r\n\r\nSo LTP had fewer passengers than for previous voyages, with the business class notable in its absence. They are distancing themselves from LTP and jumping off his democracy liner, now looking for a Sargsyan lifeboat, in the hope that after regime cronies have finished pillaging the multi-billion dollar [economic rescue] Genocide /Karabakh ‘Sell-Out’ package, the leftovers will help to rescue their small and medium business enterprises. The three thousand or so economy class passengers left on board were seeking cover in whatever sheltered place they could find, realizing they were doomed to go down with the ship and its captain. Riot police were on display in abundance as usual, with bus loads of reserves waiting in the surrounding streets, to make sure nobody jumps ship.\r\n\r\nThe Turkish press was eager to quote the international AFP, which rushed to report on how LTP announced to his 3,500 supporters that he and his Armenian National Congress are \"in favor of the soonest settlement of Armenian-Turkish relations and is ready to support all positive steps.\" On this occasion, the Armenian press came to rescue, with Onnik Krikorian, one of Armenia’s last ‘independent’ photo-journalists, using his Global Voice to report the truth of the matter and quoting LTP as saying:\r\n\r\n“In a damning indictment of Armenia’s rapprochement with Turkey, opposition leader Levon Ter-Petrosian accused President Serzh Sarkisian on Friday of scuttling U.S. recognition of the Armenian Genocide and gaining nothing in return ...... We are left to conclude without the slightest exaggeration, that for the sake of prolonging his rule, Serzh Sarkisian has literally ‘Sold Out’ the Genocide. “His next step will undoubtedly be a ‘Sell-Out’ of Karabakh, after which he will become the first Armenian to win the Nobel Prize.”\r\n\r\nUnfortunately there is now little hope for an LTP rescue effort, a multi-billion dollar carrot, backed by the power of the international propaganda machine, has succeeded with its ‘Weed Revolution’ for Armenia.\r\n\r\nThe international community has happily fallen for the Kocharian / Sargsyan ‘Flying Ace’, hailing marvellous Sargsyan achievements with Turkish and Azerbaijani relations. The European Union started the bidding and gambled the virtues of democracy, the rule of law and human rights. But realizing that Sargsyan was not fooled by the bluff, it instructed PACE to throw in the hand, and they joined Sargsyan as co-conspirators.\r\n\r\nAmerica then upped the anti with a billion plus dollar cash WB/IMF bet, a calculated bid to draw the ‘Flying Ace’ and knowing it had a win-win situation. Upping the stakes would either call the Sargsyan bluff, with the US collecting the pot, or US losses would be recouped by Obama reneging on his promise to recognise the Armenian Genocide on the 24th April.\r\n\r\nMoscow put in its half billion dollar bid in typically shrewd Russian style, reminding the Armenian party that in the event of losses, they would be covered by previous Russian / Armenian agreements. Turkey and Azerbaijan stayed in the bidding with promissory notes, watching the major players jockey for position. Then the US threw in its billion dollar hand and Obama reneged on his Genocide promise as planned.\r\n\r\nThe players have been at the table for months on end, each ready to back out in return for resolving its problems in the Caucasus. The EU and the US were happy to cut and run to leave the three former Soviet players to finish the game, each hoping that Turkey, which has been picking up strong cards along the way, will not come up with a hand to trump them all.\r\n\r\nArmenia still has a better-than-even chance of raking in the entire multi-billion dollar pot; all it has to do is to call the Turkish Azerbaijani bluffs and pick the right time to throw down its Karabakh card. The Republic will then be endowed with an internationally installed bandit regime, which for many generations to come will dictate life in Armenia - and all for the sake of a treacherous Armenian capitulation on Karabakh, which unfortunately included an even more shameful ‘Sell-Out’ of the Armenian Genocide.\r\n\r\nIn typical style, whilst Diaspora Armenians have been lobbying overseas, Armenians in the Republic have been subserviently watching on as this process moves into its final stage. The fifty or so thousand Karabakhis are up in arms, determined to defend their rights in the light of this Kocharian / Sargsyan ‘Sell-Out’. But there is little hope that they will be able to stop the capitulation roller-coaster, when Armenia’s regime unilaterally withdraws its troops from five of the surrounding territories, egged on by Bryza and his Minsk associates and rubber stamped by the EU.\r\n\r\nThe tale goes that when the Azerbaijani Defense Minister asked his President if he was prepared to take Karabakh by force, Aliyev answered – “Are you crazy, there are fifty thousand of them”. The Defense Minister answered but we are a country of eight million and our army is several times larger in number than the entire Karabakh population and we have spent billions of dollars on the latest military equipment. Aliyev replied: “But two Karabakhis took over Armenia single-handed and now they own the Republic. Imagine what fifty thousand of them will do to us!”\r\n\r\nThat anecdote is now the reality with which Armenia now has to live, and Armenia, you can blame absolutely nobody for it – except yourselves.\r\n\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 179, 233, 'und', 0, 'May Day is a pagan ritual which marks the end of the colder winter half of the year in the Northern hemisphere, and it has traditionally been an occasion for popular and often raucous celebrations – ‘regardless of the locally prevalent political establishment’. But not for Levon Ter-Petrossian, his Mayday was more akin to the Mayday associated with the emergency code word used internationally as a distress signal by ships and airplanes in radio communications; derived from the French venez m\'aider, meaning \'Come Help Me\'; the Mayday used to signal a life-threatening emergency by groups such as police forces, pilots, fire-fighters, and transportation organizations – and LTP.\r\n\r\nYesterday, LTP’s ocean liner was visibly in distress, suffering relentless buffeting from an Armenian regime which terrorized and killed itself into office; which runs a state-imposed lawless society, holds democratic opposition supporters in prisons, and bullies and beats correspondents who try to tell the story. LTP has finally been trumped by the ‘Flying Ace’ which Kocharian has for years kept tucked up his sleeve and which Sargsyan now flaunts with his international partners-in-crime; the ace of capitulation – on Karabakh and on Genocide.\r\n\r\nNevertheless, the regime had prepared well for a potentially massive turnout, which might have been the case. But, according to Levon Zurabyan, vehicles bringing LTP supporters to the meeting from outlying regions were turned back in traditional regime style by security services brandishing automatic weapons at the city limits. In contrast, outgoing vehicles were encouraged to take their Mayday holidaymakers to tend their plots of land in the countryside.\r\n\r\nSo LTP had fewer passengers than for previous voyages, with the business class notable in its absence. They are distancing themselves from LTP and jumping off his democracy liner, now looking for a Sargsyan lifeboat, in the hope that after regime cronies have finished pillaging the multi-billion dollar [economic rescue] Genocide /Karabakh ‘Sell-Out’ package, the leftovers will help to rescue their small and medium business enterprises. The three thousand or so economy class passengers left on board were seeking cover in whatever sheltered place they could find, realizing they were doomed to go down with the ship and its captain. Riot police were on display in abundance as usual, with bus loads of reserves waiting in the surrounding streets, to make sure nobody jumps ship.\r\n\r\nThe Turkish press was eager to quote the international AFP, which rushed to report on how LTP announced to his 3,500 supporters that he and his Armenian National Congress are \"in favor of the soonest settlement of Armenian-Turkish relations and is ready to support all positive steps.\" On this occasion, the Armenian press came to rescue, with Onnik Krikorian, one of Armenia’s last ‘independent’ photo-journalists, using his Global Voice to report the truth of the matter and quoting LTP as saying:\r\n\r\n“In a damning indictment of Armenia’s rapprochement with Turkey, opposition leader Levon Ter-Petrosian accused President Serzh Sarkisian on Friday of scuttling U.S. recognition of the Armenian Genocide and gaining nothing in return ...... We are left to conclude without the slightest exaggeration, that for the sake of prolonging his rule, Serzh Sarkisian has literally ‘Sold Out’ the Genocide. “His next step will undoubtedly be a ‘Sell-Out’ of Karabakh, after which he will become the first Armenian to win the Nobel Prize.”\r\n\r\nUnfortunately there is now little hope for an LTP rescue effort, a multi-billion dollar carrot, backed by the power of the international propaganda machine, has succeeded with its ‘Weed Revolution’ for Armenia.\r\n\r\nThe international community has happily fallen for the Kocharian / Sargsyan ‘Flying Ace’, hailing marvellous Sargsyan achievements with Turkish and Azerbaijani relations. The European Union started the bidding and gambled the virtues of democracy, the rule of law and human rights. But realizing that Sargsyan was not fooled by the bluff, it instructed PACE to throw in the hand, and they joined Sargsyan as co-conspirators.\r\n\r\nAmerica then upped the anti with a billion plus dollar cash WB/IMF bet, a calculated bid to draw the ‘Flying Ace’ and knowing it had a win-win situation. Upping the stakes would either call the Sargsyan bluff, with the US collecting the pot, or US losses would be recouped by Obama reneging on his promise to recognise the Armenian Genocide on the 24th April.\r\n\r\nMoscow put in its half billion dollar bid in typically shrewd Russian style, reminding the Armenian party that in the event of losses, they would be covered by previous Russian / Armenian agreements. Turkey and Azerbaijan stayed in the bidding with promissory notes, watching the major players jockey for position. Then the US threw in its billion dollar hand and Obama reneged on his Genocide promise as planned.\r\n\r\nThe players have been at the table for months on end, each ready to back out in return for resolving its problems in the Caucasus. The EU and the US were happy to cut and run to leave the three former Soviet players to finish the game, each hoping that Turkey, which has been picking up strong cards along the way, will not come up with a hand to trump them all.\r\n\r\nArmenia still has a better-than-even chance of raking in the entire multi-billion dollar pot; all it has to do is to call the Turkish Azerbaijani bluffs and pick the right time to throw down its Karabakh card. The Republic will then be endowed with an internationally installed bandit regime, which for many generations to come will dictate life in Armenia - and all for the sake of a treacherous Armenian capitulation on Karabakh, which unfortunately included an even more shameful ‘Sell-Out’ of the Armenian Genocide.\r\n\r\nIn typical style, whilst Diaspora Armenians have been lobbying overseas, Armenians in the Republic have been subserviently watching on as this process moves into its final stage. The fifty or so thousand Karabakhis are up in arms, determined to defend their rights in the light of this Kocharian / Sargsyan ‘Sell-Out’. But there is little hope that they will be able to stop the capitulation roller-coaster, when Armenia’s regime unilaterally withdraws its troops from five of the surrounding territories, egged on by Bryza and his Minsk associates and rubber stamped by the EU.\r\n\r\nThe tale goes that when the Azerbaijani Defense Minister asked his President if he was prepared to take Karabakh by force, Aliyev answered – “Are you crazy, there are fifty thousand of them”. The Defense Minister answered but we are a country of eight million and our army is several times larger in number than the entire Karabakh population and we have spent billions of dollars on the latest military equipment. Aliyev replied: “But two Karabakhis took over Armenia single-handed and now they own the Republic. Imagine what fifty thousand of them will do to us!”\r\n\r\nThat anecdote is now the reality with which Armenia now has to live, and Armenia, you can blame absolutely nobody for it – except yourselves.\r\n\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 179, 234, 'und', 0, 'May Day is a pagan ritual which marks the end of the colder winter half of the year in the Northern hemisphere, and it has traditionally been an occasion for popular and often raucous celebrations – ‘regardless of the locally prevalent political establishment’. But not for Levon Ter-Petrossian, his Mayday was more akin to the Mayday associated with the emergency code word used internationally as a distress signal by ships and airplanes in radio communications; derived from the French venez m\'aider, meaning \'Come Help Me\'; the Mayday used to signal a life-threatening emergency by groups such as police forces, pilots, fire-fighters, and transportation organizations – and LTP.\r\n\r\nYesterday, LTP’s ocean liner was visibly in distress, suffering relentless buffeting from an Armenian regime which terrorized and killed itself into office; which runs a state-imposed lawless society, holds democratic opposition supporters in prisons, and bullies and beats correspondents who try to tell the story. LTP has finally been trumped by the ‘Flying Ace’ which Kocharian has for years kept tucked up his sleeve and which Sargsyan now flaunts with his international partners-in-crime; the ace of capitulation – on Karabakh and on Genocide.\r\n\r\nNevertheless, the regime had prepared well for a potentially massive turnout, which might have been the case. But, according to Levon Zurabyan, vehicles bringing LTP supporters to the meeting from outlying regions were turned back in traditional regime style by security services brandishing automatic weapons at the city limits. In contrast, outgoing vehicles were encouraged to take their Mayday holidaymakers to tend their plots of land in the countryside.\r\n\r\nSo LTP had fewer passengers than for previous voyages, with the business class notable in its absence. They are distancing themselves from LTP and jumping off his democracy liner, now looking for a Sargsyan lifeboat, in the hope that after regime cronies have finished pillaging the multi-billion dollar [economic rescue] Genocide /Karabakh ‘Sell-Out’ package, the leftovers will help to rescue their small and medium business enterprises. The three thousand or so economy class passengers left on board were seeking cover in whatever sheltered place they could find, realizing they were doomed to go down with the ship and its captain. Riot police were on display in abundance as usual, with bus loads of reserves waiting in the surrounding streets, to make sure nobody jumps ship.\r\n\r\nThe Turkish press was eager to quote the international AFP, which rushed to report on how LTP announced to his 3,500 supporters that he and his Armenian National Congress are \"in favor of the soonest settlement of Armenian-Turkish relations and is ready to support all positive steps.\" On this occasion, the Armenian press came to rescue, with Onnik Krikorian, one of Armenia’s last ‘independent’ photo-journalists, using his Global Voice to report the truth of the matter and quoting LTP as saying:\r\n\r\n“In a damning indictment of Armenia’s rapprochement with Turkey, opposition leader Levon Ter-Petrosian accused President Serzh Sarkisian on Friday of scuttling U.S. recognition of the Armenian Genocide and gaining nothing in return ...... We are left to conclude without the slightest exaggeration, that for the sake of prolonging his rule, Serzh Sarkisian has literally ‘Sold Out’ the Genocide. “His next step will undoubtedly be a ‘Sell-Out’ of Karabakh, after which he will become the first Armenian to win the Nobel Prize.”\r\n\r\nUnfortunately there is now little hope for an LTP rescue effort, a multi-billion dollar carrot, backed by the power of the international propaganda machine, has succeeded with its ‘Weed Revolution’ for Armenia.\r\n\r\nThe international community has happily fallen for the Kocharian / Sargsyan ‘Flying Ace’, hailing marvellous Sargsyan achievements with Turkish and Azerbaijani relations. The European Union started the bidding and gambled the virtues of democracy, the rule of law and human rights. But realizing that Sargsyan was not fooled by the bluff, it instructed PACE to throw in the hand, and they joined Sargsyan as co-conspirators.\r\n\r\nAmerica then upped the anti with a billion plus dollar cash WB/IMF bet, a calculated bid to draw the ‘Flying Ace’ and knowing it had a win-win situation. Upping the stakes would either call the Sargsyan bluff, with the US collecting the pot, or US losses would be recouped by Obama reneging on his promise to recognise the Armenian Genocide on the 24th April.\r\n\r\nMoscow put in its half billion dollar bid in typically shrewd Russian style, reminding the Armenian party that in the event of losses, they would be covered by previous Russian / Armenian agreements. Turkey and Azerbaijan stayed in the bidding with promissory notes, watching the major players jockey for position. Then the US threw in its billion dollar hand and Obama reneged on his Genocide promise as planned.\r\n\r\nThe players have been at the table for months on end, each ready to back out in return for resolving its problems in the Caucasus. The EU and the US were happy to cut and run to leave the three former Soviet players to finish the game, each hoping that Turkey, which has been picking up strong cards along the way, will not come up with a hand to trump them all.\r\n\r\nArmenia still has a better-than-even chance of raking in the entire multi-billion dollar pot; all it has to do is to call the Turkish Azerbaijani bluffs and pick the right time to throw down its Karabakh card. The Republic will then be endowed with an internationally installed bandit regime, which for many generations to come will dictate life in Armenia - and all for the sake of a treacherous Armenian capitulation on Karabakh, which unfortunately included an even more shameful ‘Sell-Out’ of the Armenian Genocide.\r\n\r\nIn typical style, whilst Diaspora Armenians have been lobbying overseas, Armenians in the Republic have been subserviently watching on as this process moves into its final stage. The fifty or so thousand Karabakhis are up in arms, determined to defend their rights in the light of this Kocharian / Sargsyan ‘Sell-Out’. But there is little hope that they will be able to stop the capitulation roller-coaster, when Armenia’s regime unilaterally withdraws its troops from five of the surrounding territories, egged on by Bryza and his Minsk associates and rubber stamped by the EU.\r\n\r\nThe tale goes that when the Azerbaijani Defense Minister asked his President if he was prepared to take Karabakh by force, Aliyev answered – “Are you crazy, there are fifty thousand of them”. The Defense Minister answered but we are a country of eight million and our army is several times larger in number than the entire Karabakh population and we have spent billions of dollars on the latest military equipment. Aliyev replied: “But two Karabakhis took over Armenia single-handed and now they own the Republic. Imagine what fifty thousand of them will do to us!”\r\n\r\nThat anecdote is now the reality with which Armenia now has to live, and Armenia, you can blame absolutely nobody for it – except yourselves.\r\n\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 180, 223, 'und', 0, 'Tuesday, April 28 2009\r\n\r\nEVENT: Real GDP will contract by 5% this year, the IMF\'s April World Economic Outlook predicts.\r\n\r\nSIGNIFICANCE: Economic activity is falling to a record low as the economy undergoes an abrupt decline in activity, reflected among other things in lower government budget income.\r\n\r\nANALYSIS: According to preliminary data from the National Statistical Service, in the first quarter of 2009, real GDP contracted by 6.1% year-on-year. This is the worst performance since 1993. All the main branches of the economy plunged, compared with the year-earlier period:\r\n\r\n   industrial output (in volume terms) -- by 9.5%;\r\n   gross agricultural output -- by 5.1%; and\r\n   gross construction -- by 21.9%.\r\nThe service sector was the only one to show a slight increase, mainly thanks to a 3.9% increase in retail trade.\r\n\r\nThe contraction is an obvious consequence of the global economic crisis, which has resulted in a decline in investment in construction, the main engine of GDP growth in the past five years, and restricted demand for Armenian exports, mainly metals. Foreign trade has shrunk drastically, with exports at a mere 52.7% of the level of a year ago, and imports 77.8%. Imports now exceed exports more than fivefold, in dollar terms (659 million and 123 million, respectively).\r\n\r\nBudget crisis. State budget revenues have also fallen. In January-February (the latest period for which data are available), they came to 84.6 billion drams (277 million dollars at the then-exchange rate). This is 15% less year-on-year and about 28% less than 2009 budget plan which, adopted last November, envisaged some 20% growth in revenues compared with 2008. In addition, it has become known that the 500 million dollar loan from Russia, initially expected in April, will not arrive before end-June.\r\n\r\nIn these conditions, the government decided to reallocate budget expenditure on a quarterly basis. On March 26, the cabinet restructured the budget by moving expenditures totalling some 131 billion drams (354 million dollars) into the fourth quarter of 2009 from earlier periods. This concerns mainly purchases for state bodies, which may for the first three quarters buy no cars, furniture or real estate. The government does not see any need as yet to adopt a reduced budget, counting on borrowing (the IMF approved in March a 28-month stand-by arrangement for 540 million dollars, of which 240 million is available now) or an upturn in revenues.\r\n\r\nRemittances. Another difficulty is the decline in the level of private transfers from abroad (mainly from Russia). According to estimates, in January-February, they decreased by 30% year-on-year. However, this factor has not yet had a very significant influence on the market. As mentioned above, retail market sales increased in January-March; moreover, after the Central Bank (CBA) ceased intervening in the currency market on March 3, which resulted in the immediate depreciation of the dram from 305 to 370 to the dollar, pressure on the currency market has been low. In particular, the population\'s sale of dollars (near 40 million a week) has exceeded its purchases by more than 5% from March 10-April 15.\r\n\r\nForecasts. In an amended monetary policy document released in late March, the CBA expected real GDP to fall by about 3.0% year-on-year by end-2009, and estimated inflation at 5.9% in December. Moreover, in March, inflation was fairly low: 1.0% year-on-year, 0.7% since December 2008 and 2.0% over the first quarter compared with the year-earlier period. This enabled the CBA to lower the refinancing rate on April 7 by 0.25 percentage points to 7.5%. It also decided to increase its purchases of government bonds to inject more liquidity into the market.\r\n\r\nThe World Bank has warned that the economic crisis may result in an increase in the poverty level, from 22.7% in 2008 to 27.9% in 2010, above the level in 2006 (26.5%). Both the Bank and the IMF have urged the government to maintain a high level of social payments to limit impoverishment as far as possible. In particular, the IMF insists that the government increases social payments by 0.3% of GDP, as envisaged in the programme approved by the Fund. The government said it would protect social security expenditures in the state budget. Among the measures aimed at protecting the poor is a government programme of public works worth 700 million drams. So far, allowances, pensions and other social payments have been paid without delay.\r\n\r\nAnti-crisis measures. The government has prepared the following anti-crisis measures to boost business activity and create jobs:\r\n\r\nUnder a bill adopted on March 19, value-added tax payments due on imported investment equipment are postponed for three years.\r\n\r\nThe process of simplifying the taxation, accounting and reporting rules for small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) has started under a legislative package adopted last year, but its implementation is controversial.\r\n\r\nFive mining companies producing copper and molybdenum, one of which stopped work altogether late last year, have resumed operations, at least for the time being, and are to be working full-time by end-April. This has saved 6,000 jobs, which are important especially for Syunik province in the south. Thanks to a partial recovery in metals prices, their operations are nearly profitable, and the government is providing assistance. In particular, the Kajaran plant, which is the biggest in this sector, has obtained a short-term 10 million dollar credit for modernising its equipment.\r\n\r\nThe government is subsidising businesses. So far, 18 companies have received some 25 billion drams in different forms of assistance, ranging from loans and credit guarantees to the government\'s purchase of shares. These companies\' activities include food processing, textiles, software and machine-tool production.\r\n\r\nOne of the principal steps aimed at reviving construction is the provision of loan guarantees for developers finishing off buildings that are 50% or more complete. The total sum of guarantees declared as of April 13 is 20 billion drams.\r\n\r\nOn April 2, the SME credit programme began, with a 50 million dollar World Bank loan.\r\n\r\nThe results of these measures are not yet evident. In particular, interest rates are still too high, at 15-20% per year. The government is looking for other sources of credit. Besides such international financial institutions as the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development and the Asian Development Bank, hopes are pinned on a domestic mortgage agency and a new bank, which are to be created later this year. However, the CBA is cautious about reducing interest rates further, out of concern for inflation.\r\n\r\nCONCLUSION: The government\'s anti-crisis measures are unlikely to bring any quick improvement. Those taken so far are small, with the only actions likely to stimulate investments totalling less than 70 million dollars. Planned infrastructure projects have not yet started, other actions are only just getting under way and their impact will not be seen rapidly.\r\n\r\nKeywords: EE, RUCIS, Armenia, IMF-World Bank, International, Russia, economy, industry, politics, social, debt, exchange rate, fiscal, government, growth, monetary, poverty, prices, agriculture, balance of payments, capital flows, construction, corporate, foreign trade, investment, manufacturing, metals, mining, public sector, retail, services, welfare\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 181, 224, 'und', 0, 'Ninety four years ago, one of the great atrocities of the 20th century began. Each year, we pause to remember the 1.5 million Armenians who were subsequently massacred or marched to their death in the final days of the Ottoman Empire. The Meds Yeghern must live on in our memories, just as it lives on in the hearts of the Armenian people.\r\n\r\nHistory, unresolved, can be a heavy weight. Just as the terrible events of 1915 remind us of the dark prospect of man’s inhumanity to man, reckoning with the past holds out the powerful promise of reconciliation. I have consistently stated my own view of what occurred in 1915, and my view of that history has not changed. My interest remains the achievement of a full, frank and just acknowledgment of the facts.\r\n\r\nThe best way to advance that goal right now is for the Armenian and Turkish people to address the facts of the past as a part of their efforts to move forward. I strongly support efforts by the Turkish and Armenian people to work through this painful history in a way that is honest, open, and constructive. To that end, there has been courageous and important dialogue among Armenians and Turks, and within Turkey itself. I also strongly support the efforts by Turkey and Armenia to normalize their bilateral relations. Under Swiss auspices, the two governments have agreed on a framework and roadmap for normalization. I commend this progress, and urge them to fulfill its promise.\r\n\r\nTogether, Armenia and Turkey can forge a relationship that is peaceful, productive and prosperous. And together, the Armenian and Turkish people will be stronger as they acknowledge their common history and recognize their common humanity.\r\n\r\nNothing can bring back those who were lost in the Meds Yeghern. But the contributions that Armenians have made over the last ninety-four years stand as a testament to the talent, dynamism and resilience of the Armenian people, and as the ultimate rebuke to those who tried to destroy them. The United States of America is a far richer country because of the many Americans of Armenian descent who have contributed to our society, many of whom immigrated to this country in the aftermath of 1915. Today, I stand with them and with Armenians everywhere with a sense of friendship, solidarity, and deep respect.', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 182, 225, 'und', 0, 'Several weeks since Armenia felt the impact of the global financial and economic crisis, the weakness of the Armenian economy has become all too apparent. Starting with a drastic reduction in the amount of money or remittances coming into Armenia from relatives working abroad, mainly in Russia, most Armenian families have already begun to feel the pinch from the larger global crisis.\r\n\r\nAlthough most families are now coping with much less financial support from abroad, the crisis has only worsened matters, as massive layoffs throughout the country’s mining sector has left many Armenians without jobs.\r\n\r\nAnd now, more recently, the sudden decision to “float” or let the market determine the value of the Armenian currency has sparked sharp price rises and fostered fear for the future.\r\n\r\nWhat about the oligarchs?\r\n\r\nAlthough these new economic problems pose new threats to social and economic stability, this new crisis is made only worse by the already serious disparities in wealth and income. These disparities, evident in a mounting social divide between the small wealthy elite and the much bigger proportion of ordinary Armenians, have magnified the rise of the so-called “oligarchs” in Armenia.\r\n\r\nBut with this new economic crisis, will Armenia’s oligarchs also feel the pain? Will the Armenian oligarchs follow the same path of their Russian counterparts, as the Russian state, under the strain of its own domestic crisis, has now moved against the Russian oligarchs?\r\n\r\nIn fact there is an interesting lesson from the case of the Russian oligarchs.\r\n\r\nFor Russia’s oligarchs, the economic crisis weakened them considerably, with most now begging the Russian state for loans and assistance. The underlying weakness of oligarchs--- any oligarchs, not just the Russian or the Armenian variety--- is that their “business empires” are based on state patronage and debt, and are not built on true business models or activities.\r\n\r\nFor many of the Russian oligarchs, the crisis exposed the fragile “house of cards” that underpinned their businesses, and revealed their vulnerability, as the top 25 richest Russian businessman have lost a collective $230 billion this year, as measured by an annual list compiled by Forbes magazine.\r\n\r\nIt is this vulnerability that is now spurring the Russian state to retake control over several key sectors of the Russian economy, as the oligarchs are being stripped of much of their economic clout and even political power during this crisis.\r\n\r\nIn the case of Armenia, however, the state seems to lack the will to adopt such tactics. Sadly, Armenia’s oligarchs have only consolidated their power through the control of several commodity-based cartels, controlling the imports of nearly all important commodities and exercising powerful influence over exports.\r\n\r\nBut like the Russian case, Armenia’s oligarchs are also vulnerable, with a sharp fall in commodity prices, a slump in demand and an end to easy credit, combining to pose new threats to their personal wealth and power. Although, unlike Russia, the Armenian state lacks the resources to rescue these failing businesses, it has also failed to seize the opportunity to take on the oligarchs.\r\n\r\nWhether in terms of failing to pay their fair share of taxes, or due to their illegal cartels and semi-monopolies, the oligarchs represent one of the most serious threats to the state, flaunting their power and diminishing the authority of the government.\r\n\r\nEqually troubling, the oligarchic structures are also obstacles to development, robbing the state as much as the population of economic opportunities and competition. This is especially crucial in light of the recent assessments of the Armenian economy by the International Monetary Fund (IMF), which show that Armenia is now entering a new phase of “zero-growth.” This means that the Armenian state will face declining revenue, dwindling investment and an end to even the mirage of economic growth that the previous government so effectively used to hide its political shortcomings.\r\n\r\nTime to take on the oligarchs\r\n\r\nWhat is needed is a serious campaign to regulate these oligarchic business interests, enforce and break up the illegal commodity-based cartels, and hold the oligarchs to account, forcing them to meet their tax obligations and respect existing laws and regulations. Only then can the Armenian government begin to address its already serious lack of legitimacy and crisis of confidence.\r\n\r\nSuch a state effort to target the oligarch’s stranglehold on business is the first step to meeting the government’s plans to develop small- and medium-sized business. And such a move would also send a serious message in support of the state’s effort to fight corruption, which has long been seen as too little, too late.\r\n\r\nAlthough the Armenian government is increasingly coming to the realization that it is the economic crisis, even more than the current political stalemate in the country that poses the most serious threat to stability, the imperative now is to take on the oligarchic cartels.\r\n\r\nAnd as the lessons from Russia reveal, the time to tackle the oligarchs is now, while they are weakened by the economic and financial crisis, otherwise, it will be too late—too late for the state, and much too late for the country.\r\n\r\nThe author, Richard Giragosian, is the director of the Yerevan-based Armenian Center for National and International Studies (ACNIS).  “Weathering the Storm\" is a weekly column exclusively for ArmeniaNow.\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 183, 226, 'und', 0, 'Armenian villagers, who, starting from March each year, used to go abroad to work, particularly in Russia, are not in hurry to leave their motherland this year. Closed doors and rejections await them because of the economic crisis.\r\n\r\nOutside Armenia, people were mostly hired as construction workers, or renovated apartments on their own.\r\n\r\nThe results are clearly noticeable in Gegharkunik province, which, according to a statistical research conducted in 2002-2007 by Advanced Social Technologies NGO with the assistance of OSCE Yerevan Office, has the highest out-migration index – 15 percent of the 26,200 residents have emigrated.\r\n\r\nThe number of work migrants from the 4,975-resident Vaghashen village was 300-350 every year, but now, according to Aram Hunanyan, Secretary of the Rural Administration Body, it has reduced by 85 percent – about45 people have left.\r\n\r\n“And there are no jobs in our region. Ordinary peasants only harvest potatoes and cabbage on this land. But last year the supply exceeded the demand and the peasants sold 1 kg of potatoes for only 40-50 dram (13-16 cent), which, naturally, is not enough to support a family,” says Hunanyan.\r\n\r\nResidents of this village were mainly leaving for the Russian Federation to work in the construction sphere. One of them was 48-year old Armen Hunanyan, who worked on the construction of elite buildings, cottages, and roads in the city of Tver.\r\n\r\n“This year I am not going, because I have called my friends there and they told me people are being laid off, there are no new work-places.”\r\n\r\nHe returned in November, having received his salary for 5 months – 1,890,000 dram ($6,300), of which 390,000 dram ($1,300) was spent on living there and paying the travel expenses. The rest of the money was used to start the construction of his private house. “But if I don’t go there to work again, the construction here will remain unfinished.”\r\n\r\nHe was able to find work at the Rural Administrative Body, related to enforcement of Army conscripts, where he earns 40,000 dram ($133). His wife is a schoolteacher and earns 89,000 dram ($296). The amount is enough for them to support their 3 children.\r\n\r\nHis relative, 35-year old Darvin Hunanyan, has not found a job yet. His wife, 30-year old Marine Sukiasyan, says they already have debts at the shop, because for the past 5 years the family lived exclusively on the 240,000 dram ($800) a month, which the husband earned working as a builder in Moscow.\r\n\r\n \r\n\r\n“We have two sons – one is 11, the other is 6 years old. My mother- and father-in-law live with us and don’t get any pension yet. We have one cow and a calf, and a small patch of land where we grow potatoes,” she says.\r\n\r\n \r\n\r\nOne of the several venturing residents of Vaghashen is Sargis Hayrapetyan, 35, a father of two children – he left for Tula on March 14 to work there.\r\n\r\n“He does wood-processing. He used to earn 300,000 dram ($1,000) before, this time they did not name any specific figure, but they warned that they would pay little,” said his wife, 35-year old Hermine Yeghiazaryan.\r\n\r\nAccording to the State Employment Service data, 53 percent of the population in the provinces don’t have jobs.\r\n\r\nAccording to the statistical research conducted by Advanced Social Technologies NGO in 2002-2007, about 230,000 people have emigrated from the whole territory of RA in the past 5 years. Each migrant has traveled abroad 2 times on average; 96 percent went to Russia.\r\n\r\nThe RA International Organization on Migration stated in its 2008 report that money transfers from the Diaspora account for 20 percent of the GDP, 70 percent of which comes from Russia.\r\n\r\n“Last year the money transfers made by physical persons through banks with non-commercial purposes reached nearly 5 billion drams ($1.6 billion). Compared to last year, this year’s transfers have reduced by 25 percent,” said Zaruhi Barseghyan, the Central Bank press secretary.\r\n\r\nIn January this year, for example, 16.5 billion drams ($55.5 million) were transferred, whereas last year it was about 21 billion dram ($70 million).\r\n\r\nData referring to 2009 are still is the processing stage and cannot be published, and Irina Davtyan, head of the department of the RA Agency on Migration Programs of the Regional Management Ministry, says: “It is not hard to guess that the number equaling to 50-60,000 work migrants will noticeably decrease because of the economic crisis.”\r\n\r\nIn any case, according to the data on their official website, in January 2008, 6,965 left Armenia for migrant work. This January, however, only 2,686 left.\r\n\r\nThis economic “disease” has also done harm to the people who already live in the Russian Federation. For instance, a resident of Urtsadzor village in Ararat province, 30-year old Zhirayr Margaryan, according to his mother Rima Margaryan, stopped working since November and was not paid his salary – 1,100,000 dram ($3,600) – for the previous few months. “They say let him come here and work, but I don’t know if they will pay him or not,” the mother says.\r\n\r\nHer husband’s income has also decreased, “My husband Hamlet has been a bus driver for 10 years. Now people are not going to work anymore and whereas before they sold 800 tickets and got a $1,000 income each month, now they sell 500 and get a $600 income.”\r\n\r\nEconomist Tatul Manaseryan predicts that people from rural communities will continue to face problems – unemployment, decrease of buying ability. “These issues can be solved if RA government organizes community work, if they design projects aimed at stimulating economy and create new jobs.\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 184, 227, 'und', 0, 'Mr. Dominique Strauss-Kahn, Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), issued the following statement on Armenia today:\r\n\r\n“After many years of strong economic performance, Armenia has been adversely affected by the global economic and financial crisis. In response, the Armenian authorities have put together a strong and credible economic program to address the deterioration in Armenia’s external outlook, restore confidence in the currency and financial system, and protect the poor.\r\n\r\nI will therefore recommend that the IMF Executive Board approve a request for a US$540 million, 28-month Stand-By Arrangement. The Executive Board is expected to meet to discuss the program later this week. Armenia would be able to draw about US$239 million immediately after Board approval.\r\n\r\nThe comprehensive policy package developed by the Armenian authorities in consultation with IMF staff includes the return to a floating exchange rate regime (allowing the exchange rate to move in line with market fundamentals, so as to cushion the economy from the external shocks and safeguard foreign exchange reserves) with supporting monetary, fiscal and financial sector policies, and well-targeted structural reforms. The authorities are also taking measures to help offset the economic downturn and mitigate the impact of the economic crisis on the poor.\r\n\r\nThe strong measures that the authorities are taking justify the exceptional level of access to Fund resources (equivalent to 400 percent of Armenia’s quota) and deserve the support of the international community,\" Mr. Strauss-Kahn said.\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 184, 826, 'und', 0, 'Mr. Dominique Strauss-Kahn, Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), issued the following statement on Armenia today:\r\n\r\n“After many years of strong economic performance, Armenia has been adversely affected by the global economic and financial crisis. In response, the Armenian authorities have put together a strong and credible economic program to address the deterioration in Armenia’s external outlook, restore confidence in the currency and financial system, and protect the poor.\r\n\r\nI will therefore recommend that the IMF Executive Board approve a request for a US$540 million, 28-month Stand-By Arrangement. The Executive Board is expected to meet to discuss the program later this week. Armenia would be able to draw about US$239 million immediately after Board approval.\r\n\r\nThe comprehensive policy package developed by the Armenian authorities in consultation with IMF staff includes the return to a floating exchange rate regime (allowing the exchange rate to move in line with market fundamentals, so as to cushion the economy from the external shocks and safeguard foreign exchange reserves) with supporting monetary, fiscal and financial sector policies, and well-targeted structural reforms. The authorities are also taking measures to help offset the economic downturn and mitigate the impact of the economic crisis on the poor.\r\n\r\nThe strong measures that the authorities are taking justify the exceptional level of access to Fund resources (equivalent to 400 percent of Armenia’s quota) and deserve the support of the international community,\" Mr. Strauss-Kahn said.\r\n', '', 'filtered_html');
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('node', 'press_release', 0, 185, 228, 'und', 0, 'February 17, Business New Europe, Germany\r\n\r\nArmenia is close to signing a $500m stabilisation loan agreement with Russia. The government needs to raise more money if it is to carry out its 2009 budget plans, which were based on an optimistic forecast of 9.2% growth.\r\n\r\nSince the budget was approved in November, the impact of the international crisis on Armenia has continued to deepen. Falling prices for its main exports - copper and molybdenum - and the collapse of a speculative bubble in the construction sector have caused a sharp increase in unemployment. The number of people seeking work rose from 90,500 in December to 95,000 on January 23. The situation is worst in the mining regions of Lori and Lyunik, according to the State Statistical Service. Job losses in the construction industry are also expected, as virtually no new projects are being commissioned.\r\n\r\nAnalysts argue that opportunities to diversify the economy and tackle corruption have been missed, and low levels of tax collection are contributing to the current plight of the country. As a result, Yerevan has no choice but to try to tap international lenders.\r\n\r\nInternational lenders\r\n\r\nA $500m stabilisation loan, already agreed with Moscow, is expected to be signed off on by early March, Finance Minister Tigran Davtian has said. Terms for the 15-year loan haven\'t been disclosed, but are expected to be granted on relatively soft conditions, and there is likely to be an initial grace period of four years to allow Armenia time to deal with the crisis.\r\n\r\nYerevan is hoping to raise additional funds from other international sources. The World Bank said in January it would more than double its lending to Armenia over the next four years. Armenia is due to receive at least $525m in low-interest loans from 2009 to 2012, as well as funding from the International Finance Corporation and the Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency, which could increase the total to as much as $800m, the World Bank\'s vice-president for Europe and Central Asia, Shigeo Katsu, has said.\r\n\r\nArmenia has only started to feel the full force of the crisis in recent months due to its being out of the mainstream of the world economy. It has, for example, been spared the banking sector problems that have affected Kazakhstan in particular. No significant losses have been recorded in the sector to date. However, its economic prosperity will depend to a large extent on international metals prices, and the flow of remittances from Armenians working abroad - many of whom are in countries that are now suffering.\r\n\r\n\"It has become clear by now that the ongoing financial crisis will have a deep and prolonged impact on a wide range of economies,\" says a recent report from Policy Forum Armenia. \"This is also likely to be true for a peripheral economy like Armenia\'s, regardless of how isolated its relevant sectors are from the rest of the world.\"\r\n\r\nHovsep Khurshudyan, senior analyst at the Armenian Center for National and International Studies (ACNIS), considers that the impact of the crisis is not yet fully felt in Armenia. \"It is on account of the government\'s gold and money reserves that it has so far been possible to secure stability in the country\'s financial market,\" he says. \"In particular the dollar-dram ratio is the same as it was prior to the outset of the crisis in August 2008. This also is having a positive effect on the societal mood, as the increase of panic still is restrained.\"\r\n\r\nHowever, further job losses in mining and construction could lead to social unrest, which has spurred on government efforts to raise cash. But critics of the government say that the Russian loan is unlikely to be used wisely, and hark back to the last time Russia forgave an Armenian debt of around $100m; soon after, Russian companies acquired strategic assets in the country.\r\n\r\nArmenian officials are being open about their expectation of increased Russian influence once the deal is signed. Just before the loan was announced, the parliament\'s permanent economic commission chairman Vardan Aivazian was quoted by Interfax as saying that, \"Russia and Armenia are strategic partners. The loan will help increase Russia\'s political influence in Armenia. Most likely, Russia will agree to grant us a loan.\"\r\n\r\nKhurshudyan doubts the funds will benefit Armenia in the long term, forecasting that the money will merely be spent on maintaining the Armenian dram\'s high exchange rate, but without helping the economy to recover. \"That is, they will serve Armenia\'s high negative foreign trade balance, in which the volume of import nearly quadruples that of export. The government will leave the burden of foreign debts on the shoulders of future generations, and momentarily put off the social distress that ultimately could destroy the foundations of the authority of the oligarchic elite.\"\r\n\r\nArmenia\'s growth in the last decade was mainly driven by the metals and mining sector, which benefited from high copper and molybdenium prices. Real estate prices also soared, but the focus was on elite apartments, and - as the recent slump in prices has shown - wasn\'t sustainable. The government is currently trying to encourage development of small and medium-sized businesses with the aim of creating new jobs, but it failed to act during the years of rapid growth. Widespread corruption has made it difficult for legitimate businesses to compete, especially when they are burdened with high tax rates.\r\n\r\nIn recent years, Armenia has made efforts to move closer to Europe, but achieving financial stability has become a more immediate goal and - as the recent example of Kyrgyzstan demonstrates - could lead to a fundamental change of direction. \"Should Armenia receive those loans from the West, and not from Russia or China, this means there still is hope that we ultimately won\'t deviate from the course of European integration and once again find ourselves in the East,\" says Khurshudyan.\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 186, 229, 'und', 0, 'Armen Kharazian\r\nJanuary 20, 2009\r\nWashington\r\n \r\n1.       The Obama administration has pledged to conduct a strong, but consultative foreign policy, driven by both principles and pragmatism, and aimed at restoring U.S. leadership, reputation and influence on the world stage.\r\n \r\n2.       The new Administration has demonstrated a strong understanding of the centrality of the global security and development agenda to the success of American foreign policy. It supports the strengthening of the Non-proliferation Treaty (NPT), the ratification of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (CTBT), and renewed negotiations on the Fissile Materials Cut-off Treaty (FMCT). It also supports active U.S. involvement in international efforts to address global climate change, and has pledged to make every effort to ensure the success of this year\'s principal event in that regard -- the Climate Conference in Copenhagen, Denmark in December 2009. \r\n \r\n3.       There is strong bi-partisan support in Washington for the extension of the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START-I) with Russia. START-I is the cornerstone of the U.S.-Russian strategic relationship, and a central element in the global security and stability architecture. The Treaty is due to expire on December 5, 2009. The Obama administration has publicly affirmed its strong interest in extending the Treaty, regardless of any disagreements with Russia on other issues of mutual interest or concern. Russia, however, has linked that prospect with U.S. plans for missile defense infrastructure in Europe, and NATO enlargement -- issues on which it expects the U.S. to take positions that better address Russian concerns. Interestingly, neither issue came up during the confirmation hearing last week in the Senate Foreign Relations Committee for Secretary of State-nominee Hillary Clinton -- a sign that the Administration may well be consciously avoiding issues, and probably also action, that might jeopardize any forthcoming U.S. effort to work with the Russians on strategic arms control. Along with extending START, the Administration has is also interested in working with Russia towards further reductions, with initial target levels as low as 1,000 accountable warheads each. A U.S.-Russian understanding on the extension of START and its further development might have a profound impact on European and Eurasian security affairs, particularly as regards missile defense and NATO enlargement. Early contours of any such understanding should to be expected to emerge around July-August 2009. \r\n \r\n4.       The new Administration is willing to engage in direct diplomatic dialogue with Iran, to address concerns with respect to both proliferation, and regional security. A successful effort with Iran might facilitate prospects for peace between Israel and its neighbors, also having a positive effect on U.S. strategy in Iraq and Afghanistan. Leading members of the Democratic party have encouraged the Administration to think about the interconnectedness of these issues, and seek comprehensive solutions to them. It has been suggested that the Administration is considering the possible opening of a U.S. Interests Section in Tehran, and accreditation of an Ambassador to Damascus. In addition, members of the Administration have acknowledged that there is a policy review underway presently regarding Iran. \r\n \r\n5.       Energy security, particularly U.S. dependence on foreign oil and Europe\'s gas supplies, stands very high on the Obama Administration\' list of foreign policy priorities. There are plans to establish a special Energy Security Coordinator position within the State Department, with broad mandate, compared to similar offices in the past that were established to deal with specific regional or infrastructure issues. The Administration looks forward to actively participating in the Americas\' Summit in Trinidad in April 2009, with focus on partnerships in energy  and technologies, taking that event as an opportunity to work on solutions for stability and security in the Western Hemisphere. Considering that participants in the Summit will also include Brazil and Venezuela, the meeting in Trinidad may have important implications for world energy affairs. Speaking of new policy initiatives in the Western Hemisphere, it is also important that the new Administration is considering easing certain restrictions on Cuba, which too will contribute to the hemispheric stability and development. \r\n \r\n6.       Overcoming global economic crisis and reforming the international financial system and institutions shall be a critical priority for the Administration. A principal opportunity in that regard will arise at the G-20 (world\'s 20 largest economies) Summit in London on April 2, 2009, where the U.S. will be working, inter alia, with Russia, China, Brazil and India, to address the crisis and promote consensus on the reform of the international financial system. \r\n \r\n7.       Counterterrorism, the situation in Iraq and Afghanistan, and relations with Pakistan are central to the Administration\'s foreign policy and its success. The new U.S. leadership has reaffirmed adherence to the Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) with Iraq, and its civilian counterpart -- the Agreement on Friendship and Cooperation between the U.S. and Iraq, and intends to start the withdrawal of combat units from population centers in Iraq in July. The normalization of the situation in Iraq, however, will also depend on the success of confessional and inter-ethnic dialogue in the country, and cooperation from Iraq\'s neighbors, particularly Iran and Syria, as well as region-wide efforts towards de-escalation and greater stability in the Middle East. As for Pakistan and Afghanistan, the new U.S. leadership views these countries as the central theater for its counter-terrorism effort, and has pledged to work towards developing a more systemic response to the challenges that theater presents.  There are reviews pending on U.S. policy regarding Pakistan and Afghanistan, as well as Sudan in Africa, and one must expect that in the coming weeks a better articulated policy will emerge as a result of these reviews with respect to each theater, and the region as a whole. \r\n \r\n8.       From the first day in office, the Administration has vowed to make an urgent and insistent effort towards restoring the U.S. commitment to, and leadership in helping resolve the Arab-Israeli conflict. A deficit in such effort has seriously undermined the U.S. national interest in the last few years, in the region, and beyond. This is likely to be the most formidable foreign policy challenge the Obama administration will face, with no easy solutions, but also no lack of understanding of the crucial importance of a consistent, determined U.S. pursuit of such solutions. As one of his first executive orders, the President is expected to announce the appointment of a high-profile presidential envoy to jump-start U.S. peace diplomacy in the Middle East in earnest.    \r\n \r\n9.       The Administration shall seek to renew and further develop relations with Europe -- both traditional allies and new democracies, working within the NATO framework, bilaterally, as well as with the European Union. Washington views these relations, along with relations with its traditional allies in Asia -- Japan, South Korea and Australia. as the linchpin of its global diplomatic and security leadership, and a source of strategic U.S. power in the world. \r\n \r\n10.    Finally, in the next few years, another important dimension of American foreign policy will evolve around the Administration\'s effort to secure increased funding for the State Department, expand its role in the U.S. national security and interagency process, and carry out a reform of U.S. foreign assistance strategy,  enhancing the role of the USAID, and better integrating the concept of development with traditional diplomacy, to increase the effectiveness of U.S. foreign policy and adapt it to modern needs.\r\n \r\n11.    Presently, almost all principal aspects of U.S. foreign policy are undergoing some form of review, and may incur changes in the process. In addition, the Administration\'s new or enhanced policy initiatives will need budgetary justification and support, and can further be identified once the Administration submits its new budget proposals. In that sense, the next few months will be transitional, but very important in the evolution of the principal parameters of the Obama foreign policy.\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 187, 230, 'und', 0, '\"The Armenian government intends to confront the expected economic crisis in two major ways: by giving impetus to construction of infrastructures and assisting the enterprises in difficult conditions,\" the RA Prime Minister Tigran Sargsyan said during a talk with NT correspondent.\r\n\r\nIn his words, Armenia has good opportunities to launch new infrastructure-related programs. The government envisages spending 300 million dollars in the energy sector, another 300 million dollars in the irrigation and water supply sectors, and 250 million dollars on restoration of the earthquake zone within the next 1-2 years. T. Sargsyan said that the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank have shown interest in allocation of respective funds to Armenia. Negotiations are underway for receiving funds from Russia and other partners.\r\n\r\nArmenia has asked the World Bank to provide, in addition to 420 million dollars - a sum already approved for the country - for the next 3 years, another 250 million dollars for crediting small and medium enterprises and construction of infrastructures. The prime minister noted that Armenia\'s Action Plan was approved by the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the agreement envisages the possibility of providing a credit line urgently to Armenia by the IMF.\r\n\r\nAs regards the assistance of enterprises, Tigran Sargsyan said that with this aim a wide range of instruments will be used, including credit guarantees, loans (especially to small and medium enterprises), the government\'s participation in the capital of companies, and government subsidies. The government is sure that it will have enough resources for all this, even if the revenues of the 2009 budget are not sufficient. For this purpose the government may spend its reserve resources in the Central Bank of Armenia (more than 300 million dollars). Besides, thanks to the strict budgetary policy conducted in the previous years, Armenia has a low level of foreign debt (17% of its GDP) and quite high credit rating which is favorable for receiving loans. Finally, an extremely low level of budgetary deficit (0.95% of GDP) is planned for 2009. This will allow the government to increase several fold the deficit of the budget in case of necessity and to obtain additional funds in this way. The government has already provided 52 million dollars for crediting small and medium enterprises.\r\n\r\nTigran Sargsyan underlined that the Armenian government will have to fulfill an unprecedented function soon: to assess the state of enterprises and the business plans submitted by them in order to make decisions on provision of financial assistance to them. With this aim an operative headquarters was established. It is headed by the prime minister and composed of state officials and independent experts. The prime minister stated that the government intends to ensure transparency of the headquarters\' activity so that the public will be informed and can control the decision making on the government\'s contribution, as well as the allocation and spending of financial resources.\r\n\r\nThe government is also going to ease the tax burden of enterprises in 2009. According to Tigran Sargsyan, this will be done not through reduction of tax rates (although tax reduction is also possible in some cases), but first of all by simplifying the order of paying taxes, thanks to which entrepreneurs will spend less time on their contacts with tax bodies.\r\n\r\nAccording to estimates of the World Bank, in 2008 businessmen spent 1,120 hours on tax payment annually in Armenia, which is one of the worst ten indices in the world. Azerbaijan where businessmen spend 952 hours on tax payment annually is also among the worst ten. However, the prime minister did not indicate the amount of time, by which they envisage reducing the time spent by businessmen on contacts with tax bodies in Armenia.\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 188, 231, 'und', 0, 'Armenia’s massive trade deficit reached a new record high in 2008 amid soaring imports and sliding exports that reflected the growing impact of the global financial crisis on its economy.\r\n\r\nAccording to the National Statistical Service (NSS), the deficit jumped by 29 percent and all but passed the $3 billion mark in the first eleven months of the year. The full-year figure for 2007 reported by the NSS was $2.12 billion.\r\n\r\nThe trade imbalance has worsened steadily in recent years not least because of sluggish exports that have sharply contrasted with the country’s robust economic growth. The official statistics show Armenian exports falling by 4.5 percent year-on-year to just over $1 billion in January-November 2008.\r\n\r\nLocal mining and diamond-processing industries were primarily responsible for the drop. The metallurgy sector has been hit hard by a sharp fall in international prices of non-ferrous metals, Armenia’s number one export item, resulting from the global economic recession. Hundreds of employees of Armenian mining companies have been laid off or sent on indefinite leave since last October.\r\n\r\nBy contrast, Armenia’s net imports jumped by 40 percent to almost $4 billion in January-November 2008. In particular, the NSS registered a 54 percent surge in imports of capital goods, cars and other transport equipment that accounted for just over a quarter of the total.\r\n\r\nNatural gas and other minerals remained the country’s single largest import item in this period. Import expenditure on them rose by 33 percent to $607.8 million. Armenia also imported $302 million worth of prepared foodstuffs in January-November 2008.\r\n\r\nArmenia has long been able to run large trade and current account deficits thanks to multimillion-dollar cash remittances from hundreds of thousands of its citizens working abroad. The remittances have also contributed to the country’s overall strong macroeconomic performance since the mid-1990s.\r\n\r\nThe Armenian government and independent economists say the global crisis will likely reduce the vital cash inflows in 2009. The government intends to offset that reduction with increased spending on infrastructure projects and more loans to small and medium-sized businesses. It hopes to obtain large-scale financial assistance from the World Bank and other lending institutions for that purpose.', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 189, 232, 'und', 0, 'December 29, ARKA\r\n\r\nArmenia\'s 2009 state budget will not be revised, RA Prime Minister Tigran Sargsyan said.\r\n\r\n\"We are strong enough to be able to execute all expenditures. As to budget receipts, we will make use of these reserves in 10 years,\" he said, adding those funds belong to the RA Government.\r\n\r\nThe premier pointed out intense negotiations with IMF and WB over increasing investments in Armenia. \"The World Bank initially said it was going to pay US$420mln, but during and after the Washington talks, we asked for a sharp increase in credit funds,\" the prime minister said. \"This is a three-year program and we have asked additional $250mln for extending loans to small and medium-sized businesses,\" he continued.\r\n\r\nSargsyan emphasized the role of Armenia\'s cooperation with the Asian Development Bank, pointing out large-scale investments, as well as road reconstruction activities and regional development programs. Among the short -term objective is construction of a road linking Armenia and Batumi, which, according to the prime minister, will ensure a considerable GDP growth both in Armenia and Georgia.\r\n\r\nWith negotiations with the Russian Federation and other partner states in full swing, the RA Government plans to implement new large-scale projects.This soundness speaks about the government\'s productive expenditure policy, the premier said, adding the wisest thing the government can do during a crisis is to invest in infrastructures. \"Infrastructures are the vital constituent of an economic progress,\" he said.\r\n\r\nThe premier also stressed the importance of road construction programs for Armenia, underlining major problems with irrigation and drinking water supplies in regions. The prime minister said the government stands ready to keep implementing the projects set for 2009-2010.', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 190, 235, 'und', 0, 'The Armenian prime minister believes the set of measures foreseen by the government will help Armenia cope with the negative consequences and minimize the impact of the continuing economic crisis in 2009.\r\n\r\nTigran Sarkisian said more investments in infrastructure development and several large projects to be launched by the state will provide new jobs for people to offset possible redundancies elsewhere.\r\n\r\n\"We should essentially increase our spending in such directions as infrastructure development, including road and housing construction, rehabilitation efforts in the [1988 Spitak] earthquake area, projects in the energy sector, irrigation and drinking-water-supply systems, which coupled with a drastic increase in lending to small and medium-sized enterprises will create new jobs,\" Sarkisian said in an interview with RFE/RL\'s Armenian Service last week.\r\n\r\n\"Besides we also plan to carry out several large projects that will provide essentially help in dealing with the consequences of the crisis,\" he continued. \"These, in particular, include the construction of the north-south highway with the assistance of the Asian Development Bank, a program which has regional significance and is due to be carried out jointly with Georgia, as well as the construction of a new nuclear power plant, and the construction of an Iran-Armenia railway. All these programs also imply the creation of new jobs.\" \r\n\r\nSarkisian also referred to some international evaluations, including those made by Moody\'s International ratings agency, predicting stability for Armenia in the immediate future.\r\n\r\nBut he added: \"All predictions made in the world today change every week and it is conditioned by the circumstance that the global financial and economic crisis is gathering new momentum and there is no methodology or institution that would be able to make precise predictions as to how long this crisis will last and what impact it will have on developing countries. So, I think it would be more correct if instead of spreading pessimistic sentiments, which by itself creates negative expectations and deepens the crisis, we should speak realistically.\"\r\n\r\nSarkisian concedes that Armenia is expected to end the year with a tremendous foreign-trade deficit, with imports exceeding exports nearly fourfold.\r\n\r\nBut he cited the example of the United States, which \"in the past 28 years has imported more goods than it exported and by no means is among the world\'s worst economies.\" \r\n\r\n\"Naturally, Armenia has a very serious problem, that is, structural readjustments are taking place, a new structure of the economy is emerging, and we should be able to understand what the future of our economic system is and what structure our economy should have,\" Sarkisian said.\r\n\r\n\"Many dream of the day when we will have a strong machine-building sector, when we will manufacture and export goods like those in China or India. But I think all realize well it is not a future for us,\" he added. \"Our strategy is to focus on an economy based on labor and intellect rather than materials, which means that we should primarily pay attention to the balance of payments, not the export of commodities, but the export of services, and carrying out economic activities not only in the territory of Armenia, but also in its worldwide diaspora.\"\r\n\r\nThe prime minister is hopeful that Armenia will manage to carry out successful reforms required for continued U.S. government aid under the Millennium Challenge Account. \r\n\r\n\"We have, indeed, made pledges to our own people to make these reforms, also in terms of forming a system of good governance. It is not a secret that we do have numerous difficulties, such as corruption, bribery, an ineffective governance system, low revenues, the presence of more than a hundred thousand socially vulnerable families, and we should overcome these difficulties also due to the Millennium Challenge Account program,\" Sarkisian said. \r\n\r\n\"We are extremely grateful to our American partners for the technical assistance that they have rendered to the Armenian government so that we can overcome all these existing difficulties,\" he added. \"Therefore, we have developed a clear program, which has also been appreciated by the Millennium Challenge Account office. And the program of these measures has a timetable and people who is in charge of ensuring its proper execution.\"\r\n\r\nGovernment Reforms\r\n\r\nSarkisian also rejected allegations by some government critics that in the past several months the central bank has reneged on its adopted \"floating\" policy for currency exchange rates and has sought to keep the national currency from depreciating against major world currencies with financial interventions on the foreign-exchange market.\r\n\r\n\"Our concept that we have developed together with the International Monetary Fund in 1993 implies that Armenia sticks to the so-called \"floating\" exchange rate policy for its national currency, which means that it is formed by the supply and demand existing on the market. We have remained committed to this policy and will stay committed to it in the future. We are not going to make artificial interventions in the formation of the exchange rate because it is fraught with many consequences,\" he emphasized.\r\n\r\nSarkisian also spoke in favor of creating equal conditions for competition in the agricultural sector, though he said this would not include protectionism. He also said that beginning next month, large agricultural enterprises will have to pay value-added taxes like enterprises in other sectors do. \r\n\r\n\"This strategy implies that agriculture, like in any country of the world, should also be taxable,\" he said, noting that the sector has been exempted from all taxes thus far.\r\n\r\nThe prime minister also reiterated the government commitment to fight corruption and stressed the role of the active engagement of civil-society organizations and opposition political parties in the anticorruption measures.\r\n\r\n\"That\'s why I urged all opposition political parties to have an active participation in our anticorruption program, in particular through monitoring, which is one of the key instruments,\" Sarkisian said, adding that this control will essentially increase public faith in the program and will raise its efficiency. \r\n\r\nRejecting Restrictions\r\n\r\nResponding to the question about the state of democracy in Armenia in a year that has seen plenty of criticism from various international organizations of how Armenia has been handling its worst-ever internal political crisis, Sarkisian said: \"Freedom of speech, democratic values do not imply that our country should be sliding into chaos. Freedom of speech is not arbitrariness. People should also have a sense of responsibility.\"\r\n\r\nIn particular, he responded to opposition claims that the authorities restrict its freedom of assembly by refusing to provide space for its political gatherings.\r\n\r\n\"We provide the government conference hall to organizations on a contractual basis and if so, the rules stipulated by the contract must be respected,\" he said. \"We have added one point to our contract that if an organization fails to observe the rules, then it does not get the conference hall at the second time of asking. This is a democratic approach.... If we do not respect our word ourselves, no one will respect it.\"\r\n\r\nSarkisian also denied any political implications behind the parliament\'s decision to suspend the tenders for TV frequencies in view of the mandatory digitalization of broadcasting in the country. Government critics say the move is primarily aimed at preventing A1+, a television station critical of the authorities, from returning to the air after it was controversially pulled off in 2002. \r\n\r\nSarkisian said he regrets that the decision to postpone tenders for TV frequencies has become a matter of political speculation. \r\n\r\n\"All international organizations with which I have dealt with regarding this matter fully accept our reasons. Furthermore, we had no alternative to this decision,\" he said. \"We could not announce a competition for two years because we have an international commitment to achieve digitalization in the broadcasting sphere and time should be given to the private sector to get ready for the tenders in which this transition that we must complete within five years should be considered.\"\r\n\r\nThe prime minister also disagrees that financial penalties against Bjni, a leading mineral-water producer, are in any way linked to its owner, pro-opposition lawmaker Khachatur Sukiasian, who has been in hiding since the start of the government crackdown on opposition members who backed to former President Levon Ter-Petrossian in the February presidential election. \r\n\r\n\"I do not agree that there is any political persecution in this case. But I agree that one must not be persecuted for political views, especially in the economic sphere,\" he said. \"As for Bjni, it is obvious that the company made serious violations, evaded taxes. And I would want you to focus on this issue in the first place. Didn\'t it in fact evade millions in taxes? It is essential to answer this question and by answering it we will refrain from such political speculations.\r\n\r\n\"The exercise of tax control started a long time ago and it concerned not only Bjni, but also other enterprises, including those working in the same sphere. Such violations were found at many enterprises. But unlike Bjni those enterprises admitted their fault and fulfilled their tax obligations. Meanwhile, Bjni is trying to politicize the matter to avoid fulfillment of obligations that it has toward the state budget, which is inadmissible,\" the prime minister concluded.\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 191, 236, 'und', 0, 'Prime Minister Tigran Sarkisian has insisted that his government can minimize the global economic crisis’s impact on Armenia by implementing large-scale regional projects, “drastically” increasing public spending and providing hundreds of millions of dollars in cheap credit to local businesses.\r\n\r\n“This aggressive spending policy by the state will help us neutralize negative consequences [of the crisis] and create jobs,” Sarkisian said in an exclusive interview with RFE/RL broadcast on Saturday. \r\n\r\nThe deepening worldwide recession is being increasingly felt in Armenia where economic growth has slowed down dramatically in the third quarter of this year. Official statistics show its Gross Domestic Product increasing by 7.2 percent in January-November 2008, down from 13 percent recorded in 2007. Economists anticipate an even more modest growth rate next year. \r\n\r\nSarkisian reaffirmed and defended the Armenian government’s strategy of dealing with the crisis which he presented to parliament last month. One of its three key elements is a significant increase in public spending on road and housing construction and other infrastructure projects. \r\n\r\nIn particular, the government plans to spend $250 million on completing the protracted reconstruction of Armenia’s northern regions devastated by the 1988 earthquake. According to Sarkisian, this alone will create 5,000 more jobs in the unemployment-stricken area. \r\n\r\n“Parallel to that, we will drastically increase lending to small and medium-sized businesses,” he said, reiterating government hopes to borrow $250 million from the World Bank and other foreign donors for that purpose. \r\n\r\nThe government will need much greater foreign funding for several ambitious projects which Sarkisian said will also cushion the effects of the global crisis. Those include construction of a new nuclear plant and a railway connecting Armenia to neighboring Iran. Sarkisian spoke of “very strong interest” in the plant’s construction shown by foreign investors but did not specify potential sources of at least $1 billion needed for putting the project into practice. \r\n\r\nThe prime minister dismissed reports that the crisis is putting growing downward pressure on the national currency, the dram, and that the Central Bank of Armenia is spending heavily to prop up its value. “We do not intend to artificially interfere in the formation of exchange rates because that is fraught with many negative consequences,” he said. \r\n\r\nSpeaking during a visit to RFE/RL’s Yerevan bureau, Sarkisian also insisted that the government is on track to implement an ambitious reform agenda which he unveiled after being appointed prime minister in April. That includes measures to combat widespread tax evasion, improve tax administration and create equal conditions for all businesses. \r\n\r\nThe seriousness of the stated reform drive has been called into question by a continuing government crackdown on an Armenian business group owned by Khachatur Sukiasian, a rare millionaire businessman openly supporting the opposition. Several Sukiasian-owned companies were inspected by tax officials and accused of tax evasion shortly after the tycoon voiced support for former President Levon Ter-Petrosian. One of them, the Bjni mineral water plant, was forced to suspend its operation and put up for sale by the government last month after refusing to pay 4.2 billion drams ($13.5 million) in fines. \r\n\r\nSarkisian denied any political motives behind the tax authorities’ treatment of Bjni and stuck to the government line that it is part of a broader government crackdown on tax evasion. “It is obvious that Bjni committed serious violations, avoided fulfilling its tax obligations,” he said. \r\n\r\n“Such violations were also found in many other enterprises,” added the Armenian premier. “Unlike Bjni, those enterprises accepted their guilt and met their obligations to the state budget, whereas Bjni has been trying to politicize the matter.” \r\n\r\nSarkisian argued that several other Sukiasian-owned businesses such as the Armeconombank commercial bank have not been penalized by tax bodies. “I am personally making sure that no illegal actions are taken against that bank,” said the former Central Bank governor. “Armeconombank is one of our best banks and it continues to thrive and has no problems [with the government.] \r\n\r\n“If Bjni had operated as transparently as Armeconombank does, it would not have had problems.”\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 192, 237, 'und', 0, 'The controversial trial of seven Armenian opposition figures prosecuted on coup charges descended into chaos and was interrupted on Tuesday as they were forcibly removed from the courtroom after ugly scenes involving their relatives and law-enforcement officials.\r\n\r\nIt was also marred by allegations that one of the defendants was beaten up in jail earlier in the day.\r\n\r\nMore than two dozen plainclothes police officers, who presented themselves as “victims” of the post-election street clashes in Yerevan, were unexpectedly brought into the courtroom, restricting the already limited space there. As a result, court officials ordered journalists to follow proceedings from monitors placed in an adjacent room.\r\n\r\nMoments later a bitter altercation broke out between the policemen and defendants’ relatives who managed to enter the court building in Yerevan’s Shengavit district. They traded insults before the presiding judge, Mnatsakan Martirosian, belatedly took the bench.\r\n\r\nMartirosian said the court session is starting 40 minutes later than planned because one of the defendants, Grigor Voskerchian, was ill. The claim prompted angry protests from the defendants, causing the judge to call a 30-minute break.\r\n\r\nVoskerchian’s lawyer, Stepan Voskanian, said afterwards that his client was assaulted in his prison cell by the commander of a special security force which he said inspected Yerevan’s Nubarashen jail in the morning. He claimed that the officer “repeatedly hit him in the face” after finding out that Voskerchian is one of the oppositionists charged with plotting to overthrow the government in the wake of last February’s presidential election.\r\n\r\nA spokesman for the Justice Ministry department managing Armenia’s prisons categorically denied the claims.\r\n\r\nMeanwhile, Martirosian ordered court guards to take away the defendants, saying that they demonstratively refused to stand up when he walked into the courtroom. One of them, Suren Sirunian, was already expelled for contempt of court at the start of the trial on Friday. The judged also decided to adjourn the hearings until December 27.\r\n\r\nOutside the court building, a large group of opposition supporters holding placards and pictures of jailed oppositionists again gathered to protest against what they see as a politically motivated show trial. Tension rose after police officers guarding the building refused to let in several opposition leaders and relatives of the defendants.\r\n\r\n“Space is limited,” Valeri Osipian, a lieutenant-colonel leading the policemen, told Levon Zurabian, a leading member of the main opposition Armenian National Congress (HAK).\r\n\r\nOsipian also argued angrily with another HAK leader, former Prime Minister Hrant Bagratian. “I will force you to do what I’m telling you if you break the law,” he warned Bagratian.\r\n\r\nThe defendants, among them former Foreign Minister Aleksandr Arzumanian and three opposition parliamentarians, stand accused of organizing “mass riots accompanied by murders” and attempting to “usurp state authority by force.” One of the lawmakers, Miasnik Malkhasian, is also charged with personally leading angry opposition supporters that clashed with security forces in Yerevan on March 1.\r\n\r\nAt least eight civilians and two police servicemen were killed in what the Armenian authorities say was a botched opposition attempt to stage a coup d’etat. Levon Ter-Petrosian, the main opposition presidential candidate, and his allies strongly deny the coup allegation, saying that the authorities deliberately used lethal force to enforce official vote results that gave victory to the establishment candidate Serzh Sarkisian.\r\n\r\nThe high-profile trial got underway two days after a key panel of the Council of Europe’s Parliamentary Assembly (PACE) described these and other jailed oppositionists as political prisoners and urged the PACE to impose sanctions on Yerevan. The United States has also been pressing for the release of most of the detainees. The authorities maintain that none of them is a political prisoner.\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 193, 238, 'und', 0, 'A key panel of the Council of Europe’s Parliamentary Assembly (PACE) has urged the Strasbourg-based body to impose sanctions on Armenia because of the continuing imprisonment of dozens of opposition members whom it for the first time described as “political prisoners.” \r\n\r\nThe release of those individuals was a key demand of the two PACE resolutions on Armenia adopted following the disputed presidential election of February 19 and the March 1 violence in Yerevan. \r\n\r\nThe PACE’s Monitoring Committee said after a meeting in Paris late Wednesday that the Armenian authorities have failed to comply with those resolutions in full. It said the voting rights of the assembly’s eight Armenian members must be suspended until the authorities “have clearly demonstrated their political will to resolve this issue.” \r\n\r\nA new resolution drafted by the committee and made public on Thursday reads: “Notwithstanding positive developments in some areas, the Assembly finds it unacceptable that persons have been charged and deprived of their liberty for political motivations and that political prisoners exist in Armenia.” \r\n\r\nMore than 100 associates and supporters of opposition leader Levon Ter-Petrosian were arrested in the wake of the presidential ballot. Some 70 oppositionists remain in prison. The vast majority of them have already received prison sentences on charges mainly stemming from the March 1 deadly clashes in Yerevan. \r\n\r\nIn its proposed resolution, the Monitoring Committee noted that a “significant number” of those sentences were based solely on police testimony, a practice condemned by the PACE earlier this year. It also said that many of the opposition detainees have been prosecuted under articles of the Armenian Criminal Code dealing with organization of “mass disturbances” and attempts to “usurp state authority.” \r\n\r\nThe draft resolution says there are “strong indications” that these criminal cases were politically motivated. “It follows that persons convicted on these charges can be considered political prisoners,” it adds, rejecting Armenian government claims to the contrary. \r\n\r\nThe Monitoring Committee recommended sanctions against Yerevan while welcoming President Serzh Sarkisian’s recent decision to form a new, supposedly independent body tasked with investigating the post-election violence. Armenia’s governing coalition and main opposition forces are equally represented in the Fact-Finding Group of Experts. \r\n\r\nThe Armenian government was quick to react to the committee’s decision, with Foreign Minister Eduard Nalbandian describing it as “not favorable” for the country at a late-night news briefing Wednesday. Nalbandian said the government hopes to avert Council of Europe sanctions during upcoming negotiations with the Monitoring Committee’s two Armenia rapporteurs, John Prescott and Georges Colombier. The latter are due to visit Yerevan ahead of the next PACE session scheduled for late January. \r\n\r\n“Perhaps there will be developments in January that will allow for a revision of that proposal,” said Nalbandian. \r\n\r\nThe minister might have hinted at a possible general amnesty for the jailed oppositionists, an option advocated by Council of Europe officials. The Monitoring Committee deplored the Armenian authorities’ failure so far to declare such an amnesty. \r\n\r\nThe committee’s recommendations were criticized on Thursday by a spokesman for the ruling Republican Party of Armenia (HHK). “Having said that, we respect the opinion of our European colleagues and hope that the visit of John Prescott and Georges Colombier … will set the record straight,” Eduard Sharmazanov told Arminfo news agency. \r\n\r\nThe HHK’s parliamentary leader, Galust Sahakian, predicted that the PACE will not after all sanction Yerevan. “I don’t think that the Council of Europe will be so imprudent as to push us closer to other bodies,” he told RFE/RL. “The Muslim world also has certain structures.” \r\n\r\nPredictably, a representative of Ter-Petrosian’s Armenian National Congress (HAK) defended the recommendations. “In terms of political prisoners, Armenia has the worst record among the 47 Council of Europe member states,” Hovannes Igitian told RFE/RL. “Our record is even worse than Azerbaijan’s.” \r\n\r\nFor his part, Armen Harutiunian, the state human rights ombudsman, said, “You can’t ensure democracy with sanctions. We ourselves must solve problems facing our country.”\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 194, 239, 'und', 0, 'Law-enforcement authorities investigating Armenia’s deadly post-election strife have dropped controversial coup accusations leveled against four prominent opposition politicians allied to former President Levon Ter-Petrosian, it was announced on Wednesday.\r\n\r\nAram Sarkisian, Ararat Zurabian, Karapet Rubinian and Gurgen Yeghiazarian were charged with attempting to “usurp state authority” and provoking “mass disturbances” in Yerevan for that purpose following the March 1 violence in Yerevan. Zurabian, Rubinian and Yeghiazarian were also arrested and released from jail pending investigation last summer. Sarkisian was never taken into custody despite playing a larger part in the Ter-Petrosian-led opposition movement.\r\n\r\nVahagn Harutiunian, a senior official from the Special Investigative Service (SIS) leading the criminal inquiry, said he decided to drop the accusations late last week because of a lack of evidence of the four oppositionists’ involvement in what the investigators call an opposition attempt to stage a coup d’etat. He had earlier insisted that there are sufficient grounds for keeping the three of them in detention.\r\n\r\nThe development was announced just two days before the start of a high-profile trial of seven other well-known opposition figures facing the same coup charges. Among them is Aleksandr Arzumanian, Ter-Petrosian’s presidential election campaign manager, and three parliament deputies. All of them deny the accusations.\r\n\r\nHarutiunian said that the investigators have still a long way to go in completing one of the most extensive criminal inquiries ever conducted in Armenia. In particular, he said, they have yet to determine just how justified the actions of police and other security forces were on March 1.\r\n\r\nTwo police officers and eight civilians were killed on that day as they tried to disperse thousands of opposition supporters protesting the alleged rigging of the February 19 presidential election. Ter-Petrosian and his entourage say the authorities deliberately used lethal force to quell the protests.\r\n\r\nHarutiunian admitted that the investigators have still “a lot of work” to do in ascertaining the circumstances of the civilian deaths. He said they presently have no evidence to charge anyone in connection with those deaths.\r\n', '', 'filtered_html');
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('node', 'press_release', 0, 195, 240, 'und', 0, 'Foreign Minister Eduard Nalbandian spoke of “unfavorable” developments for Armenia on Wednesday after a crucial meeting of a body monitoring the Armenian government’s compliance with its membership obligations to the Council of Europe.\r\n\r\nThe Monitoring Committee of the Council of Europe’s Parliamentary Assembly (PACE) met in Paris earlier in the day to decide whether to recommend the Strasbourg-based assembly to suspend the voting rights of its Armenian members at its January session. The committee issued no statements as of late evening.\r\n\r\nThe PACE has repeatedly threatened to impose such sanctions if the authorities Yerevan fail to comply with its two resolutions on Armenia. The resolutions, adopted in April and June demanded, the immediate release of supporters of opposition leader Levon Ter-Petrosian arrested on “seemingly artificial or politically motivated charges.”\r\n\r\n“They made some proposals not favorable for Armenia,” Nalbandian told journalists, commenting on the results of the Paris meeting. He did not specify those proposals, saying only that the Armenian government can still prevent their approval by the PACE.\r\n\r\n“I must say that that is an ongoing process,” said Nalbandian. “The issue will be put to the Parliament Assembly vote in January. Before that the committee’s rapporteurs, Messrs. [John] Prescott and [Georges] Colombier will visit Armenia. Perhaps there will be developments in January that will allow for a revision of that proposal.”\r\n\r\nEarlier on Wednesday, a leading member of Ter-Petrosian’s Armenian National Congress (HAK), urged PACE to sanction the Armenian authorities for their failure to free dozens of arrested opposition members.\r\n\r\n“Political sanctions must be imposed on the Armenian authorities,” said David Shahnazarian. “At least, the Armenian delegation [at the PACE] must be stripped of its voting rights because that delegation’s activities seriously damage Armenia’s national interests.”\r\n\r\nSome 70 Ter-Petrosian loyalists remain in jail on charges stemming from the March 1 clashes in Yerevan between opposition protesters and security forces. The most prominent of them will go on trial this Friday.\r\n\r\n“I am convinced that the [Monitoring Committee’s] assessment won’t be good for the Republic of Armenia because the Armenian authorities have not honored their PACE commitments,” said another HAK figure, Vahagn Khachatrian.\r\n\r\nNalbandian again insisted, however, that Armenia’s government has mostly complied with the PACE resolutions and does not deserve to be sanctioned. The government denies the existence of political prisoners in the country.\r\n\r\nStill, some government loyalists admit that more needs to be done to address the Council of Europe concerns about the post-election crackdown on the Armenian opposition. “Some work has been done, including towards complying with the two [PACE] resolutions,” said Artsvik Minasian, a parliament deputy from the pro-government Armenian Revolutionary Federation. “Is that work complete? Of course not. There is still some unfinished business.”\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 196, 241, 'und', 0, 'STRASBOURG (Hurriyet)--The European Court on Human Rights (ECHR) ruled Tuesday that Turkey violated the property rights of two Armenian foundations in Istanbul, reported the Turkish Hurriyet daily newspaper.\r\n\r\nThe Board of Governors of the Samatya Surp Kevork Armenian Church, School and Cemetery and the Foundation for the Armenian Hospital in Yedikule appealed to the Strasbourg-based court to overturn a Turkish court decision confiscating properties donated to the Armenian foundations.\r\n\r\nThe Turkish court\'s rulings confiscated argued that their founding charter did not give them the right to acquire immovable property. But the decision was in violation of property rights under the European Human Rights Convention\r\n\r\nThe two Armenian foundations were established by Imperial Decree in 1832 under the Ottoman Empire and later registered under modern Turkish law.\r\n\r\nAccording to the ruling, Turkey must return the titles of all properties to each foundation and pay compensation of 600,000 euro to the Samatya Foundation and 275,000 euro to the Yedikule Foundation.\r\n\r\nThe charter of both foundations complies with the provisions of the Lausanne Treaty affording protection to foundations that provide public services for religious minorities.\r\n\r\nThe ECHR said Turkey had violated the protection of property rights defined under Article 1 of Protocol No. 1 of the convention.\r\n\r\nTurkey has the right to appeal the ECHR decision in a higher authority. No announcement has been made as yet.\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 197, 242, 'und', 0, 'A new referendum to determine the legal status of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic is unnecessary, according to recent public opinion poll conducted in the country, news agencies reported this week.\r\n\r\nThe survey, conducted from December 3-9 on a random sample of 300 citizens in Karabakh, asked if it was necessary to hold another referendum to determine the status of the country. Of the respondents, 83% (249) said no, while 8% (24) said yes, with 9% (27) saying they were unsure, according to Armenpress.\r\n\r\nThe poll came exactly two years after Karabakh held a referendum in which about 83% of voters (75,000 people) approved the country\'s first constitution, reiterating that Nagorno-Karabakh was a \"sovereign democratic state.” The document was approved fifteen years to the day after Karabakh\'s indigenous Armenian population voted overwhelmingly for independence from Soviet Azerbaijan. \r\n\r\n“The 10th of December is one of the most memorable days for our people. On that very day in 1991 our people officially sealed their will to form a free, independent and sovereign state,” Nagorno-Karabakh President Bako Sahakyan was quoted by Armenpress as saying in a written address on the occasion. \r\n\r\nSahakyan delivered his address during welcoming remarks at a conference on human rights and constitutional justice held in the Karabakh National Assembly Tuesday, according to the his press office.\r\n\r\nThe conference was dedicated to the 60th anniversary of the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which falls on the same day as both referendums.\r\n\r\nHe described the referendums as expressing the will of Karabakh\'s population to “further strengthen and develop independent statehood,” for Nagorno-Karabakh. He added that the plebiscites demonstrated the country\'s commitment to building a democratic country, founded on international norms, and integrated with the international community.\r\n\r\nBut a draft peace proposal by international mediators currently working for a settlement of the Karabakh conflict threatens to derail Karabakh\'s democratic development by requiring the fledgling democracy to allow an influx of refugees from Azerbaijan to settle in the country before a new referendum to determine the republic\'s status.\r\n\r\nUnder the yet undisclosed plan, Nagorno-Karabakh may be afforded an interim status before the referendum is held at some indefinite future date to decide its final status.\r\n\r\nThe temporary status, however, is to be granted after seven liberated Armenian territories surrounding Karabakh proper are relinquished to Azerbaijan. \r\n\r\nArmenia and Azerbaijani are understood to have agreed to most of the key points of the proposed settlement, which was formally submitted to the conflicting parties in Madrid last November.\r\n\r\nKarabakh, which opposes some of the proposals, is not a party to the current peace talks, having been removed from the peace process in the early 90s, following demands by Azerbaijan and Turkey that it should not be recognized as a party to the talks.\r\n\r\nFriday, December 12, 2008', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 198, 243, 'und', 0, 'The U.S. Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) has again refused to unblock some of its promised economic assistance to Armenia, indicating that the authorities in Yerevan have still not addressed its concerns about “the status of democratic governance” in the country.\r\n\r\nArmenia was due to receive US$236.5 million in additional U.S. government assistance under the Bush administration’s Millennium Challenge Account (MCA) program designed to promote political and economic reforms around the world. Most of the sum was to be spent on rebuilding and expanding the country’s irrigation networks. Another $67 million was set aside for reconstruction of about 1,000 kilometers of rural roads.\r\n\r\nLast May the MCC, which runs the aid scheme, blocked the release of the first $7.5 million installment of the five-year aid package earmarked for road construction, expressing serious concern about the Armenian government’s harsh post-election crackdown on the opposition. MCC executives and other U.S. officials have since repeatedly reiterated those concerns.\r\n\r\nThe move led the Armenian government in July to allocate $17 million worth of its own funds to the planned road construction that got underway later in the summer. A government statement on Wednesday quoted Ara Hovsepian, head of the MCC office in Yerevan, as saying that most of the sum has already been spent on roadworks in rural regions of the country. Hovsepian said he and Armenian government officials expect the MCC’s governing board to disburse about $7 million in the first quarter of next year.\r\n\r\nBut meeting in Washington on Thursday, the MCC board again decided to keep the $7.5 million payment on hold. “The Board reiterated its concerns about the status of democratic governance in the country and underlined its expectations that the government of Armenia fulfill commitments to implement substantive reforms,” it said in a statement. “The Board noted that it would again review Armenia’s performance and examine continued collaboration with the country during its March meeting.”\r\n\r\nAccording to U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Matthew Bryza, Washington remains “seriously worried” about the continuing imprisonment of dozens of opposition members arrested following the disputed presidential election of February 19. “It should be clear to everyone, for Armenia’s sake, that there are no political prisoners,” Bryza told RFE/RL on Thursday. “The accusation that Armenia holds political prisoners shouldn’t even surface.”\r\n\r\n“All these cases should be resolved quickly and everyone ought to be released,” he said.\r\n\r\nMeanwhile, a deputy chairman of President Serzh Sarkisian’s Republican Party of Armenia (HHK) expressed dismay at Washington’s refusal to resume MCA funding to Yerevan. “This decision was really unexpected,” Razmik Zohrabian told RFE/RL on Friday. “I hoped for a different decision. But what can we do? Democratic developments are continuing and maybe they will allocate the sum in March.”\r\n\r\nZohrabian acknowledged “some shortcomings in the development of democracy in Armenia” but said the Sarkisian administration has made considerable progress in eliminating them.\r\n\r\nBut Vahagn Khachatrian, an Armenian opposition leader, strongly disagreed. “There are still political prisoners, serious problems with democracy and human rights, and the MCC’s stance is not accidental,” he said.\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 199, 244, 'und', 0, 'The Armenian Revolutionary Federation has urged the Armenian Government to be cautious in its rapprochement with Turkey, warning that Ankara is using it to influence the Karabakh peace process and scuttle international recognition of the Armenian genocide.\r\n\r\nThe issue was high on the agenda of a three-day plenary meeting of the party\'s Bureau where Armenia\'s foreign and domestic challenges were examined. \r\n\r\nThe meeting, which finished its work in Beirut Monday, also discussed immediate and long-term strategies for coordinating its international affiliates in bolstering Armenia\'s statehood.\r\n\r\nIn a statement released on Thursday, the Bureau said international recognition of the genocide is a top priority for Armenia\'s foreign policy, warning that President Serzh Sarkisian\'s diplomatic overtures to Turkey are being manipulated “for halting the genocide recognition process and making relations between the two states conditional on Armenia\'s relations with a third country, Azerbaijan.”\r\n\r\nEarlier this week Turkish Foreign Minister Ali Babacan traveled to Baku for talks on the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict with his Azeri counterpart Elmar Mammadyarov. He told reporters after the meeting that the normalization of relations would have a “positive impact on the Azerbaijan-Armenia talks over Nagorno-Karabakh.” \r\n\r\nBabacan also held separate meetings with Mammadyarov and Armenian Foreign Minister Edward Nalbandian Wednesday on the sidelines of a high-level OSCE meeting in Helsinki.\r\n\r\nMeanwhile, the Mediamax news agency Thursday quoted a senior U.S. official as saying that Armenia and Turkey are close to establishing diplomatic relations after months of intense talks. \r\n\r\nThe assertion, made by US Deputy Secretary of State Matthew Bryza after the Turkish and Armenian foreign ministers met in Helsinki, came after Foreign Ministers Sergei Lavrov of Russia and Bernard Kouchner of France and U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Daniel Fried met with Nalbandian and Mammadyarov to discuss a framework agreement for resolving the conflict.\r\n\r\nThe meeting, which lasted for about 15 minutes, followed much lengthier talks in the Finnish capital Wednesday between the two foreign ministers and the American, French and Russian diplomats co-chairing the Minsk Group, according to Armenian Foreign Ministry spokesman Tigran Balayan.\r\n\r\nDespite the apparent thaw in Turkish-Armenian ties, Ankara continues to maintain preconditions for establishing diplomatic ties, requiring Yerevan to agree to a historical commission on the Armenian genocide and make major concessions to Baku in the Karabakh peace talks.\r\n\r\nBoth Turkey and Azerbaijan severed ties with Armenia in 1993, closing borders and imposing an economic blockade on Yerevan in a bid to force Armenia to drop support for the self-determination of the people of Karabakh and end its campaign for international recognition of the Armenian genocide. \r\n\r\n“It is extremely important to continue keeping the issue on the pan-national agenda,” the Bureau statement stressed, referring to the ongoing attempts to pressure Armenia into accepting the primacy of Azerbaijan\'s so-called territorial integrity in the Karabakh negotiations process.\r\n\r\nThe statement described Karabakh\'s independence as vital to the “survival and security of Armenia and the Armenian people,” adding that recognition of the Genocide by Turkey and the international community are imperative to Armenia\'s national security. \r\n\r\n“The immediate importance of normalizing Armenia-Turkey relations must not take precedence over the rights of generations,” the Bureau stressed.\r\n\r\nThe Bureau statement comes a day after the Armenian parliament voted to pass a government-drafted amendment that analysts close to the conflict believe paves the way for the government to hold a referendum on a compromise solution to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. \r\n\r\nPresident Serzh Sarkisian last Thursday held extended closed door discussions on the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict with leaders of Armenia\'s political parties, including the ARF, which was represented by the chairman of its Supreme Body in Armenia, Armen Rustamian.\r\n\r\nAfter the nearly five-hour long meeting, Rustamian told reporters that he had forwarded to the president a set of principles and recommendations the ARF considers paramount to the Karabakh settlement.\r\n\r\nHe said that the negotiations “must be based on the already expressed will of the people of Nagorno-Karabakh,” adding that the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic should be recognized as “an independent party to the conflict.”\r\n\r\nSince the landmark meeting in Yerevan between Sarkisian and Turkish President Abdullah Gul in September, the ARF has repeatedly advised the administration to be cautious in its dealings with Turkey and Azerbaijan, warning a rapid approach to normalizing ties with Turkey can be exploited by Ankara to increase its influence in the region, jeopardize Karabakh\'s independence and scuttle international recognition of the Armenian Genocide.\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 199, 245, 'und', 0, 'The Armenian Revolutionary Federation has urged the Armenian Government to be cautious in its rapprochement with Turkey, warning that Ankara is using it to influence the Karabakh peace process and scuttle international recognition of the Armenian genocide.\r\n\r\nThe issue was high on the agenda of a three-day plenary meeting of the party\'s Bureau where Armenia\'s foreign and domestic challenges were examined. \r\n\r\nThe meeting, which finished its work in Beirut Monday, also discussed immediate and long-term strategies for coordinating its international affiliates in bolstering Armenia\'s statehood.\r\n\r\nIn a statement released on Thursday, the Bureau said international recognition of the genocide is a top priority for Armenia\'s foreign policy, warning that President Serzh Sarkisian\'s diplomatic overtures to Turkey are being manipulated “for halting the genocide recognition process and making relations between the two states conditional on Armenia\'s relations with a third country, Azerbaijan.”\r\n\r\nEarlier this week Turkish Foreign Minister Ali Babacan traveled to Baku for talks on the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict with his Azeri counterpart Elmar Mammadyarov. He told reporters after the meeting that the normalization of relations would have a “positive impact on the Azerbaijan-Armenia talks over Nagorno-Karabakh.” \r\n\r\nBabacan also held separate meetings with Mammadyarov and Armenian Foreign Minister Edward Nalbandian Wednesday on the sidelines of a high-level OSCE meeting in Helsinki.\r\n\r\nMeanwhile, the Mediamax news agency Thursday quoted a senior U.S. official as saying that Armenia and Turkey are close to establishing diplomatic relations after months of intense talks. \r\n\r\nThe assertion, made by US Deputy Secretary of State Matthew Bryza after the Turkish and Armenian foreign ministers met in Helsinki, came after Foreign Ministers Sergei Lavrov of Russia and Bernard Kouchner of France and U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Daniel Fried met with Nalbandian and Mammadyarov to discuss a framework agreement for resolving the conflict.\r\n\r\nThe meeting, which lasted for about 15 minutes, followed much lengthier talks in the Finnish capital Wednesday between the two foreign ministers and the American, French and Russian diplomats co-chairing the Minsk Group, according to Armenian Foreign Ministry spokesman Tigran Balayan.\r\n\r\nDespite the apparent thaw in Turkish-Armenian ties, Ankara continues to maintain preconditions for establishing diplomatic ties, requiring Yerevan to agree to a historical commission on the Armenian genocide and make major concessions to Baku in the Karabakh peace talks.\r\n\r\nBoth Turkey and Azerbaijan severed ties with Armenia in 1993, closing borders and imposing an economic blockade on Yerevan in a bid to force Armenia to drop support for the self-determination of the people of Karabakh and end its campaign for international recognition of the Armenian genocide. \r\n\r\n“It is extremely important to continue keeping the issue on the pan-national agenda,” the Bureau statement stressed, referring to the ongoing attempts to pressure Armenia into accepting the primacy of Azerbaijan\'s so-called territorial integrity in the Karabakh negotiations process.\r\n\r\nThe statement described Karabakh\'s independence as vital to the “survival and security of Armenia and the Armenian people,” adding that recognition of the Genocide by Turkey and the international community are imperative to Armenia\'s national security. \r\n\r\n“The immediate importance of normalizing Armenia-Turkey relations must not take precedence over the rights of generations,” the Bureau stressed.\r\n\r\nThe Bureau statement comes a day after the Armenian parliament voted to pass a government-drafted amendment that analysts close to the conflict believe paves the way for the government to hold a referendum on a compromise solution to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. \r\n\r\nPresident Serzh Sarkisian last Thursday held extended closed door discussions on the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict with leaders of Armenia\'s political parties, including the ARF, which was represented by the chairman of its Supreme Body in Armenia, Armen Rustamian.\r\n\r\nAfter the nearly five-hour long meeting, Rustamian told reporters that he had forwarded to the president a set of principles and recommendations the ARF considers paramount to the Karabakh settlement.\r\n\r\nHe said that the negotiations “must be based on the already expressed will of the people of Nagorno-Karabakh,” adding that the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic should be recognized as “an independent party to the conflict.”\r\n\r\nSince the landmark meeting in Yerevan between Sarkisian and Turkish President Abdullah Gul in September, the ARF has repeatedly advised the administration to be cautious in its dealings with Turkey and Azerbaijan, warning a rapid approach to normalizing ties with Turkey can be exploited by Ankara to increase its influence in the region, jeopardize Karabakh\'s independence and scuttle international recognition of the Armenian Genocide.\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 200, 246, 'und', 0, 'The Alliance of Armenian Volunteers (HKH), a Sefilian-led nationalist group, said the outspoken oppositionist was informed by Armenian immigration authorities on Tuesday that President Serzh Sarkisian has turned down his fresh citizenship application.\r\n\r\nSefilian condemned the decision as illegal and politically motivated. “It once again showed just how far these authorities are from the Armenian people,” he told RFE/RL.\r\n\r\nSefilian lodged the application on June 18, one week after his release from jail. He and another opposition-linked war veteran, Vartan Malkhasian, had been arrested and charged with calling for a violent overthrow of the government in December 2006 just days after holding the HKH’s founding congress in Yerevan. A Yerevan court subsequently cleared Sefilian of the charge but still jailed him for 18 months for illegally possessing a pistol which he claimed to have received as a gift from a former commander of the Karabakh Armenian army.\r\n\r\nThe Lebanese national had already been twice denied Armenian citizenship despite his active participation in the 1991-1994 war with Azerbaijan that earned him the military rank of lieutenant-colonel. He commanded one of the Karabakh Armenian units that stormed and seized the strategic town of Shushi in May 1992. Sefilian retired from the Karabakh military in the late 1990s.\r\n\r\nSpeaking to RFE/RL, Norayr Muradkhanian, chief of the Department of Visas and Passports (OVIR) of the Armenian police, confirmed that Sefilian’s fresh application for an Armenian passport has been rejected. Muradkhanian said a relevant decree signed by Sarkisian late last month gave no reason for the rebuff.\r\n\r\nA spokesman for the Armenian president promised to comment on the matter on Thursday.\r\n\r\nThe Armenian authorities already sparked a public outcry when they tried to deport Sefilian from the country shortly before his release from prison. The police asked Armenia’s Administrative Court at the time to authorize the deportation on the grounds that his residency permit has expired. The court refused to consider the application on a technicality on May 27.\r\n\r\nSefilian and the HKH, which is strongly opposed to any Armenian territorial concessions to Azerbaijan, chose to support opposition leader Levon Ter-Petrosian in last February’s presidential election despite the latter’s well-known conciliatory views on the resolution of the Karabakh conflict. The HKH is one of about two dozen opposition groups making up Ter-Petrosian’s Armenian National Congress alliance.\r\n\r\nSefilian recently joined a group of prominent opposition politicians and intellectuals in launching a new movement, called Miatsum (Unification), campaigning against Armenian withdrawal from Azerbaijani districts surrounding Karabakh. The liberation of virtually all of those districts is a key element of international mediators’ existing peace proposals largely acceptable to Yerevan.', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 201, 247, 'und', 0, 'Three more citizens of Armenia controversially imprisoned during and after the disputed 2003 presidential election won on Tuesday lawsuits against their government filed to the European Court of Human Rights. The court declared the arrests illegal and ordered the Armenian government to pay each of the plaintiffs 4,500 euros ($5,700) in “non-pecuniary” damages. They will also get an additional 3,000 euros worth of compensation each for legal expenses incurred during the lengthy litigation.\r\n\r\nTwo of them, Lavrenti Kirakosian and Arman Mkhitarian, reside in Karakert, a village in the southern Armavir region. They both participated in March 2003 rallies staged in Yerevan by Stepan Demirchian, the main opposition presidential candidate. They were subsequently arrested and sentenced to ten days in prison for allegedly disobeying police orders and using “foul language” against law-enforcement officers.\r\n\r\nThe third plaintiff, Miasnik Tadevosian, is a resident of another Armavir village, Mrgashat. A retired senior police officer, he led the regional chapter of the opposition National Unity Party. Tadevosian was arrested and given a ten-day sentence on the same charge after attending similar anti-government rallies staged by Demirchian and other opposition leaders in March-April 2004.\r\n\r\nThe three men were imprisoned under the Soviet-era Code of Administrative Offenses. The Armenian authorities used the code for briefly jailing hundreds of participants of unsanctioned opposition rallies. The so-called “administrative arrests” were strongly condemned by local and international human rights organizations. The authorities abolished the practice in 2005 under strong pressure from the Council of Europe.\r\n\r\nIn separate rulings, the Strasbourg-based court ruled that the prison sentences given to the three men violated several provisions of the European Convention on Human Rights ratified by Armenia. It said none of them had a fair trial and “adequate time and facilities for the preparation of his defense.”\r\n\r\nThe opposition supporters’ defense lawyer, Tigran Ter-Yesayan, welcomed the rulings. “The European Court simply certified that the rights of these individuals were violated during and after the presidential elections,” he told RFE/RL. “But whether the authorities will draw appropriate conclusions from these verdicts and refrain from such actions in the future is an open question.”\r\n\r\nThe authorities could face similar lawsuits from more than 100 other opposition members and supporters who were arrested in the wake of the last presidential election held on February 19. At least 70 of them remain in jail on charges stemming from the March 1 clashes in Yerevan. The Council of Europe and other international bodies say at least some of these detainees were jailed for exercising their political rights.\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 202, 248, 'und', 0, 'Opposition leader Raffi Hovannisian said on Monday that he will continue to boycott sessions of the Council of Europe’s Parliamentary Assembly (PACE) in protest against what he sees as its leniency towards the Armenian government.\r\n\r\nHovannisian, who is the only opposition member of the Armenian delegation at the PACE, demonstratively walked out of the Strasbourg-based assembly in June, condemning its failure to sanction the authorities in Yerevan for their failure to end their harsh post-election crackdown on the opposition. The leader of the Zharangutyun (Heritage) party said he will not attend PACE sessions until “Armenia meets standards – its own and Europe’s – and Europe rises to the realization of its own values, rights and benchmarks.”\r\n\r\n“I don’t think there are any grounds to change my tentative decision right now,” he told RFE/RL. “I really wish the Armenian authorities and the president leading them had given me reason to return to full service in Strasbourg.”\r\n\r\nThe U.S.-born politician insisted that the administration of President Serzh Sarkisian has failed to fully comply with the PACE’s April and June resolutions that demanded, among other things, the immediate release of all opposition members arrested on “seemingly artificial and politically motivated charges.” “Although on surface some demands have been satisfied, by and large the [June] resolution has not been complied with,” he said.\r\n\r\nThe PACE has threatened to suspend the voting rights of its Armenian members if Yerevan fails to meet its demands by next January. Council of Europe officials are particularly concerned about the continuing imprisonment of some 70 supporters of former President Levon Ter-Petrosian arrested in the wake of last February’s presidential election.\r\n\r\nThe Council of Europe’s human rights commissioner, Thomas Hammarberg, strongly questioned the credibility of criminal accusations leveled against the most prominent of the opposition detainees during yet another visit to Yerevan last month. He at the same time praised the Armenian authorities for setting up a new, supposedly independent body tasked with investigating the March 1 clashes in Yerevan that left at least 10 people dead and more than 100 others seriously injured.\r\n\r\nHovannisian appeared skeptical about the new inquiry, saying that the authorities have failed to prosecute anyone in connection with the March 1 deaths. He seemed to imply that Ter-Petrosian is also responsible for the deadly unrest and lingering questions about the circumstances in which eight civilians and two interior troops lost their lives.\r\n\r\n“The main actors on March 1 were the three presidents of Armenia,” said Hovannisian. “And as long as we don’t have depositions from the three presidents, their aides, bodyguards and generals given under oath, I don’t think the Armenian people can optimistically expect the disclosure of the full truth.”', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 202, 249, 'und', 0, 'Opposition leader Raffi Hovannisian said on Monday that he will continue to boycott sessions of the Council of Europe’s Parliamentary Assembly (PACE) in protest against what he sees as its leniency towards the Armenian government.\r\n\r\nHovannisian, who is the only opposition member of the Armenian delegation at the PACE, demonstratively walked out of the Strasbourg-based assembly in June, condemning its failure to sanction the authorities in Yerevan for their failure to end their harsh post-election crackdown on the opposition. The leader of the Zharangutyun (Heritage) party said he will not attend PACE sessions until “Armenia meets standards – its own and Europe’s – and Europe rises to the realization of its own values, rights and benchmarks.”\r\n\r\n“I don’t think there are any grounds to change my tentative decision right now,” he told RFE/RL. “I really wish the Armenian authorities and the president leading them had given me reason to return to full service in Strasbourg.”\r\n\r\nThe U.S.-born politician insisted that the administration of President Serzh Sarkisian has failed to fully comply with the PACE’s April and June resolutions that demanded, among other things, the immediate release of all opposition members arrested on “seemingly artificial and politically motivated charges.” “Although on surface some demands have been satisfied, by and large the [June] resolution has not been complied with,” he said.\r\n\r\nThe PACE has threatened to suspend the voting rights of its Armenian members if Yerevan fails to meet its demands by next January. Council of Europe officials are particularly concerned about the continuing imprisonment of some 70 supporters of former President Levon Ter-Petrosian arrested in the wake of last February’s presidential election.\r\n\r\nThe Council of Europe’s human rights commissioner, Thomas Hammarberg, strongly questioned the credibility of criminal accusations leveled against the most prominent of the opposition detainees during yet another visit to Yerevan last month. He at the same time praised the Armenian authorities for setting up a new, supposedly independent body tasked with investigating the March 1 clashes in Yerevan that left at least 10 people dead and more than 100 others seriously injured.\r\n\r\nHovannisian appeared skeptical about the new inquiry, saying that the authorities have failed to prosecute anyone in connection with the March 1 deaths. He seemed to imply that Ter-Petrosian is also responsible for the deadly unrest and lingering questions about the circumstances in which eight civilians and two interior troops lost their lives.\r\n\r\n“The main actors on March 1 were the three presidents of Armenia,” said Hovannisian. “And as long as we don’t have depositions from the three presidents, their aides, bodyguards and generals given under oath, I don’t think the Armenian people can optimistically expect the disclosure of the full truth.”', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 203, 250, 'und', 0, '\r\n\'I have worked in over 50 developing states. However this was a unique experience and maybe useful or of interest for any foreigner without Armenian family relations\', says Hans Boon, the director general of HayPost CJSC, in a letter to ArmInfo.\r\n\r\n\'In this message I would like to provide you with some of the facts and backgrounds and experience regarding the two violent attacks, because I am really surprised about the observation that I did not provide any statement to the Police. The opposite could also be said. I have received other similar comments and therefore I hope to clarify this. I have definitely no objection if you provide this statement to the Police and other official investigators. I do not know how to reach them and in fact have delivered information\', Boon says.\r\n\r\nFurther in the letter, Hans Boon tells: \'The attack on 10 October 2008 took place in the late evening. The violent, and possibly quick, attack must have been organized very well- probably from the back. The attack included about 5 or more severe beatings on different places of my head. It must be stated only on my head, no other places of the body. The attack has resulted in loss of memory of that moment, in combination with the loss of conscience for about 12 hours.\r\n\r\nConsequently I do not know or do not remember who the assailant was and how it was done. It must be stated however that it was not a medical issue, like a heart attack. After the assault I must have fallen down on the street, and nearby living inhabitants are said to have made a call to Police or Hospital to report that a heavily wounded or death corpse was found on the street. The Hospital car or ambulance came and both the doctors and a police officer made an analysis, confirming that it was the result of a criminal attack but also noting that my body was alive. A colleague of HayPost was also alarmed, possibly by me in one of the moments awake.\r\n\r\nThe next day around noon I regained more normal conscience and also better memory. Most of the above between the assault and recuperation of conscience has been told to me.\r\n\r\nThe hospital St. Grigor Lusavorich charged more than AMD 400,000/Euro 1100 for the 1 night stay and research, and explained that it charges to foreigners five times the rate to Armenians.\r\n\r\nThe hospital looked in a very poor condition and therefore it was decided to leave it and to rest in the apartment. The hospital had partially undressed me and I received my clothes back. I noticed that the wallet was not there anymore.\r\n\r\nThe wallet had in cash an equivalent of around AMD 400,000 - partially in Armenian Dram [around AMD 200,000], Russian Rouble, US Dollars and Euros, in addition several creditcards [not bankcards] ,  and a European Union ID Card and a special card for the Amsterdam International Airport. It is not clear whether the wallet has disappeared or fallen out of the clothes in the hospital or the ambulance, but most likely it has been stolen as part of the attack.\r\n\r\nIn any case, since then I have requested via the HayPost company lawyer, a Mr Arayk Abrahayan for a police report,. This has been requested orally, by email and by telephone to him and other colleagues more than 15 times The request has eventually also been reported to the Minister of the Economy .\r\n\r\nThe issue is that without such report on the police observation and notification, the process in The Netherlands with the Insurance companies, the Credit card companies and the official authorities  issuing IDs is very difficult and that brings additional damages of 1000s of Euros to me.\r\n\r\nHowever, a request to communicate with the police and to obtain the report remains unanswered by the Armenian side. In stead I was informed via an other colleague that the Police had called the Chief Company Lawyer, [ex CBA] about 20 days after the assault, i.e. early November 2008. It means when I was already in The Netherlands.\r\n\r\nThe Police had asked him to request me to appear at the Police Station. The colleagues reported that the Company Lawyer stated that I refused. Subsequently the Police is said to have stated that I would be imprisoned to ensure my availability for the interrogation. This was very shocking information.\r\n\r\nSubsequently the Police have been visited on 11 November by the colleague, Mr A Khachaturyan, who also was during the night or morning of the assault in the hospital. He is said to have made a 3 page statement clarifying the details situation as above described, although I do not have any written evidence from the Police or via the lawyers. It was also stated that the Police had requested that I need to provide all my clothes that I had during the attack. That request came also in the first half of November 2008 and the Police must also have known from the reports that the assault was entirely focused on the head, with 5 or more beatings and not on other places of the body. It is has remained unclear why the Police is said to have made that request at that time. Most of the clothes have been cleaned, washed and or used after the attack, and it is unclear what the Police expects to find that long after the attack, however it would mean for me another expense of more than Euro 1000 in loss of clothes and transportation costs. The clothes taken of the first assault in July 2008 have also not been returned.\r\n\r\nIt has also been stated that more colleagues were planned to be interrogated, such as a driver and a (daytime) security guard, company assistant and housekeeper. According to a newspaper this has happened, most likely in the first of half of November. I am not informed about this and have no report, but read in the internet news that it was stated that most of the persons mentioned that they do not know my private life. It would have been correct to state that there is practically no private life, except from a dinner in a restaurant and a visit to shops or a walk on the streets during the weekend..\r\n\r\nI should mention that I have never received a request from the Police, only heard about it via colleagues and these requests were never in a non-Armenian language and as far as requests were received or noted it has been responded to but none of the requests known to me refer to details of the assault and circumstances.\r\n\r\nAll kind requests from my side via Armenian legal staff to provide to me a written police confirmation of the attack and theft remain unanswered.\r\n\r\nThe following questions and impressions appear: Why does the police start an investigation more than 20 days after the attack, that could have resulted in death, therefore an attempt-to-murder case, and what is the quality and depth of the investigation. One of the media reported that the Police needs a Court decision in order to be allowed to investigate the possibility of a combination between the two attacks- why?\r\n\r\nThe first Assault on the evening of 12 July 2008 which was a so-called hooliganism attack by 2 persons first attempting to hit by car me twice and subsequently by beating in a way that it would have resulted in death, has lead to a verdict in November 2008. One of the persons will walk free in Yerevan early 2009 and the other a bit later early 2009. The case was also a special experience.\r\n\r\nIt started for my Dutch colleague and me with heavy wounds , including bleeding. The Police initially refused to arrange First Aid, and when an Armenian colleague was able to intervene after nearly 2 hours of bleeding in the Police Station, the Police prohibited and called a Ambulance. The First Aid treatment resulted in 2 days hospitalization due to the heavy wounds. Then, friendly police officers came to visit after treatment. They were asked how the criminal prosecution would proceed. Initially they started laughing and after the smile they explained that the normal Armenian way is that there is no prosecution but that the family representatives will approach us with an offer. This scared us and we requested how we can ensure our security, because we are not interested in such an approach.\r\n\r\nSubsequently the Trust Founder to whom we report, tried to promote the intermediation in such a typical Armenian approach. It was however understood that we expected that the Rule of Law should prevail.\r\n\r\nThe Police insisted on several hearings/interviews, in total more than 30 hours have been by each of us spent with the police to repeat every time the details of that assault of less than 7 minutes. All statements have been interpreted by a qualified interpreter and have been written manually by the Police. Initially none of the statements, neither ours nor those of the attackers were accessible. At the end of September we learned from the Netherlands Ambassador that a file with more than 450 pages had been prepared. On our request, via the Company lawyer, on documentation, no answer has been provided. We also heard that the scheduled Court session of early October was postponed to November because it was said not be convenient for the barristers of the two who attacked us. We received a 10 line message on the final outcome of the court session from the lawyer and also a confirmation that the damages claimed had been paid. The impression is that the lawyer, in my absence, had been instructed to \"prioritize\" other activities, but this is an impression.\r\n\r\nThe Netherlands Minister of Justice officially complained in July 2008 about the police treatment of its 2 citizens, keeping them nearly 2 hours wounded and without first aid in a police station. It is said that the Armenian side has investigated and responded to the Ambassador that the Dutch statements are not (completely) true and that the First Aid was arranged rapidly. There has been no excuse for this type of treatment from the official Armenian side.\r\n\r\nThe impression is that the first attack is not done and executed by the same persons as the second attack. It is also not possible to form evidence whether the two attacks were organized by a higher level of politically and economically interested parties. The Head of Police should have received a letter from me, but no response and also I do not know how to reach him.\r\n\r\nThis all represents a unique experience and maybe useful or of interest for any foreigner without Armenian family relations\'.\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 204, 251, 'und', 0, 'On September 5, 2008, the New York base International Court of Arbitration, attached to the International Chamber of commerce, named former ROA Minister of Nature Protection Vardan Ayvazyan, presently serving as President of the National Assembly’s Economic Affairs Committee, as a defendant in a case involving the issuance of mining exploration licenses that Hetq covered in detail at the beginning of this year.\r\n\r\n \r\n\r\nFor more information of the case in question, 14770/EBS, you can go to the Court’s website: www.iccarbitration.org.  \r\n\r\nAt the core of the matter is the gold mine in Hankavan, Armenia. While serving as Nature Protection Minister, Vardan Ayvazyan issued exploratory licenses to two companies at the same time. The actual owner of one of the companies, Golden Ore, is Andranik Manukyan, former ROA| Minister of Transport and Communication, who now serves as a presidential advisor to Serzh Sargsyan. Shortly thereafter, and in a process that involved numerous violations of the law, the Ministry of Trade and Economic Development issued the company an operating license. In quick succession Golden Ore was then sold to GeoProMining Ltd, a diversified resources holding company headquartered in Moscow. Almost immediately this company obtained the Sotk and Meghradzor gold mines owned by Indian billionaire Anil Agarwal’s Ararat Gold Recovery Company. In a word, the transaction was a package deal.  \r\n\r\nOur informed sources tell us that the Hankavan gold mine was sold to the tune of $30 million and that the government didn’t receive one red-cent from the transaction. At least this is what the Golden Ore’s tax accounts show.  \r\n\r\nAlong with Vardan Ayvazyan, three other citizens of Armenia were named as defendants – Mayren Batoyan, Edvard Djanibekyan and Yuri Lalazaryan. \r\n\r\nWhat are the likely results from the Arbitration Court’s proceedings? Regardless of whether the Armenian citizens appear before the Court or not, the legal case will proceed and reach a verdict. If the Court’s verdict goes against the ROA citizens there will be penalties levied, they will encounter problems visiting those countries with whom the United States has mutual treaties and their bank assets and properties will be frozen. Without doubt, Vardan Ayvazyan is in the most vulnerable position given that he was a member of government and headed the body authorized to issue exploratory mining licenses. As a top-ranking official he may be considered “person non grata” by the United States and aligned nations and not allowed to enter their borders. Vardan Ayvazyan is the first high ranking Armenian official up till now to be called before the International Court of Arbitration as a defendant. \r\n\r\nRegardless of whose support he enjoys within the ruling regime, Mr. Ayvazyan will have to obey the findings of the tribunal if it rules against him given that the ROA has officially agreed to obey and execute any and all decisions handed down by the International Court of Arbitration.\r\n', '', 'filtered_html');
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('node', 'press_release', 0, 205, 252, 'und', 0, 'Another attack on a journalist has happened in Armenia. On Monday evening, three unknown persons beat Edik Baghdasaryan, an award-winning investigative journalist, chairman of the “Investigative Journalists” NGO. \r\n\r\nBaghdasaryan, who is also the editor-in-chief of the Hetq online journal, left his office located in 1/3 Buzand Street at 7.50 pm and went into the direction of his car where he was ambushed by three unknown persons.\r\n\r\n“Those were strangers, their faces were open but it was dark, they did not say anything to me, they started to hit me straight away, they did not demand anything. I tried to resist and we fought for a few minutes, for quite some time, then they dragged my clothes off me,” Baghdasaryan told A1 Plus a few minutes after the attack as he was being given first aid on the spot by ambulance workers.\r\n\r\nHe said he had resisted until one of the assailants hit him on the head with a rock. Baghdasaryan then, according to his own account, managed to escape and run quickly to the building, asking for an ambulance service to be called in. The assailants, he said, had run away taking with then an expensive photo camera.\r\n\r\nThe Hetq editor is currently at the Grigor Lusavorich medical center, receiving treatment for his injuries. In particular, he received an injury on the skull. Doctors say his current condition is satisfactory and soon he will be transferred to an ordinary room. \r\n\r\nDeputy chief of the Hetq magazine Liana Sayadyan told ArmeniaNow that the editorial office had not received any threats, either verbal or written, of late. \r\n\r\n“There were cases in the past when we received emails where it was specifically mentioned who Edik Baghdasaryan should not write about, but in this case we did not get anything like that and do not know who could have done such a thing,” she said. \r\n\r\n“He [Baghdasaryan] himself does not suspect anyone particularly, since in the recent period he has worked simultaneously on many stories – ranging from corruption in banana imports, the mining industry, and the violence that happened near the Odnoklassnki restaurant and other stories,” Sayadyan added.\r\n\r\n“But one thing is clear to me – it has to do with serious exposures that he made with his work, all his stories expose abuses of office and are potentially dangerous. I am convinced that the incident is linked with Baghdasaryan’s professional activities.” \r\n\r\nPolice instituted a criminal case under article 113 of the Criminal Code (inflicting bodily harm of medium gravity by a group of persons). An inquiry is ongoing. \r\n\r\nAt the same time, the country’s main opposition Armenian National Congress issued a statement strongly condemning the attack. \r\n\r\n“This outrageous deed is another proof that the criminal regime has declared war on free speech,” the opposition alliance, in particular, said. \r\n\r\nIt was reported later in the day that Prime Minister Tigran Sargsyan visited Baghdasaryan in the hospital.\r\n\r\nAlso, presidential spokesman Samvel Farmanyan described the violence as “unacceptable” and “condemnable”. \r\n\r\n“The president of the republic has given instructions to law-enforcement bodies to find and bring to account those responsible for the attack,” he said in a statement.\r\n\r\nThis year has stood out not only by an unprecedentedly tense internal political situation in Armenia but also – and the link is obvious – by an increased number of attacks on journalists in Armenia. Several international and local watchdogs and human rights groups have slammed the government for not doing enough to prevent and expose cases of attacks on media representatives and trace and find those responsible for the attacks.\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 206, 253, 'und', 0, 'A prominent Armenian investigative journalist known for his stories exposing government corruption became the target of a violent attack, which he believes is connected with his reporting.\r\n\r\nEdik Baghdasarian, who heads the Armenian Association of Investigative Journalists and runs a Yerevan-based online magazine, Hetq, left his office in downtown Yerevan at about 8 p.m. Monday and shortly was ambushed and beaten by three unknown assailants as he was going to get into his car parked in the street, according to his own account.\r\n\r\nBaghdasarian said the attack was an unprovoked one and the assailants did not demand anything particular from him.\r\n\r\n“Right near the car two people attacked me and began to land heavy blows. I retaliated and we were exchanging blows. I punched one of them and since I was holding a mobile phone in my hand at that moment, the phone now has blood stains on it, presumably the blood of one of the attackers,” Baghdasarian told RFE/RL.\r\n\r\nThen, according to Baghdasarian, a third person hit him on the head from behind, presumably with a rock or some other solid object, after which, the journalist says, he fainted.\r\n\r\nEventually, the three of the attackers took to flight after a security worker from a nearby construction site alerted by the squabble fired a shot into the air.\r\n\r\nAn ambulance service then administered first aid to Baghdasarian on the spot and the journalist was hospitalized with a head injury. Doctors later said the injuries were not life threatening.\r\n\r\nBaghdasarian also says he lost a computer disc with several investigative stories that he planned for publication online. The journalist says he saw the face of at least one assailant and could recognize that person if he saw him again.\r\n\r\nA criminal case has been initiated in connection with the incident under article 113 of the Criminal Code (inflicting bodily harm of medium gravity by a group of persons). An inquiry was ongoing, police officials said.\r\n\r\nBaghdasarian, 49, is an award-winning independent journalist known for his in-depth investigative reporting on topics ranging from politics to crime and corruption. In his latest series of investigative reports, Baghdasarian exposed cases of abuse and corruption in Armenia’s mining industry.\r\n\r\nThe latest attack became the seventh case of violence used against a media representative in Armenia this year. In August, the then acting chief of RFE/RL’s Yerevan bureau Hrach Melkumian also became a victim of an apparently politically motivated attack.\r\n\r\nThe rise in violence against media in 2008 has been slammed by local and international media watchdogs and human rights groups throughout the year.\r\n\r\nHowever, none of the crimes have been revealed and no one has been punished for either organizing or committing those attacks against journalists.\r\n\r\nThe attack against Baghdasarian was condemned by Armenia’s main opposition alliance.\r\n\r\nIn a statement the Armenian National Congress led by former President Levon Ter-Petrosian, in particular, said: “This outrageous attack is more proof that the criminal regime has declared war on free speech.”\r\n\r\nPresident Serzh Sarkisian’s spokesman also described the violence against the journalist as “unacceptable” and “condemnable”.\r\n\r\n“The president of the republic has given strict instructions to law-enforcement bodies to reveal the circumstances of the case and find those responsible for the attack,” Samvel Farmanian said in a statement.\r\n\r\nLater in the day, Prime Minister Tigran Sarkisian visited Baghdasarian at the hospital.\r\n\r\nHe expressed his concern over the attack against a journalist.\r\n\r\n“The investigation is on and we are convinced that those responsible will be found within a short period of time,” Tigran Sarkisian told reporters.\r\n\r\nNovember 18, RFE/RL\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 207, 254, 'und', 0, 'At least 25 apartments purchased by the state using European Union grant money to be used by graduates of children’s orphanages are not fit for occupation.\r\n\r\nArmeniaNow reporters visited the apartments and found that some are constantly flooded with sewage waters, making them useless even for keeping animals.\r\n\r\nGetting apartments for these young people, deprived of parents since childhood, and their children has led to illnesses generated by humidity. Some have left the apartments to escape being washed up by sewage waters. The apartments are all eirther on the first or the last floor, so, humidity penetrates from either above or beneath. The apartments were bought at prices several times higher than the market price, thus enriching some officials at the expense of depriving the orphans of comfortable conditions. Almost none of the apartments conform to the criterion for being “available for occupancy”.\r\n\r\nThe apartments were alloted within the government’s 2003 program for State Support to the Graduates of the Child Tutorship Organizations of the Republic of Armenia based on the European Commission Food Program. According to the memorandum signed with the government, the European Commission provided 10 million euros to the republic’s budget to implement agricultural and social programs. \r\n\r\nAccording to the program the Ministry of Labor and Social Issues was supposed to provide heathcare support, accomodation and property to 227 graduates of child asylums beginning 1991; however, according to the official data only 109 apartments have been purchased within the past 6 years.\r\n\r\nBased on a trilateral agreement with the Ministry of Labor and Social Issues and the Agency for the Management of State Property 35 apartments were purchased by private agencies Karen Z Ltd, with 63 more bought by Sokol Group Ltd. \r\n\r\nAppartments\r\n\r\nThe walls in Jane Babayan’s apartment are covered with mould. There are 3-litre glass jars standing in several places to intercept waterdrops falling from the ceiling. But the most horrifying are the winters, when the frozen sewage pipes crossing the ceiling are heated down, and the melting sewage waters burst out of the damaged pipes. Jane, 32, takes her 6-year-old son and her 2-year-old daughter, and goes out to the street to wait before the water pouring from above stops.\r\n\r\nSewage water penetrates into her apartment also from the water drain [in the bathroom] seeping onto the apartment. The family’s furniture has rotted from humidity, the beds are always wet, and there are worms in the corners.\r\n\r\nHer daughter’s legs hurt, and her son’s nose is constantly stuffed up, and no medicines help him any more. Saving somehow, Jane has repaired the walls several times since moving into the apartment in 2004, but it’s useless as long as the sewage permanently flows, and the plaster on the newly repaired walls peels off giving way to new mould bloom. Electric wires have also been damaged by the humidity, and the family often lacks electricity. Rats are permanent guests here that come through the sewage damaging all around: “The rats get into my drawers, mixed up the grocery. If only the rats could be fought back!” says Jane in despair.\r\n\r\nJane is one of seven graduates, who got the remodeled apartments of the unused area in the basement of building 16 in the 16th district. The sewage and drinking water pipelines that freeze up every winter like is the case with almost all of the buildings in the distrcit are located just above the apartments. When the residents heat the pipes up to unblock them, the waters burst out and pour onto to the heads of the orphans. Sewage pipes crossing beneath the buidling are also damaged. The old residents of the building say the water used to spill out from the gutter, but when the area was chosen for remodelling for the apartments, the constructors simply filled the gutter with concrete and closed it, so, now the water finds its way out from inside the apartments.\r\n\r\n“It never rains but it pours,” says a graduate of the Gavar orphanage, Khachatur Afrikyan, 32, who lives with his wife surrounded by moulded walls and humidity: “When we moved to the apartment everything seemed to be normal, but when I pulled the carpeting, I saw concrete beneath (floors are of concrete in all apartments),” Khachik says. There is no system of ventilation, so Khachik has installed two flues: “I have lost my voice since the day I moved here. It’s either one side of me hurting or the other, every morning.”\r\n\r\nThe house-warming for Grigor Hakobyan turned into a fight against the pouring sewage water. “I spend 100,000 drams (about $300) every year to fight it, but I can’t manage it any more,” he says. The money is not enough to change the plastic pipe for the drinking water as it blows up flooding the apartment every time the pressure in the pipes changes.\r\n\r\nOnly 4 of the 7 apartments are inhabited; the residents of the remaining three have been unable to resist the sewage and have abandoned them.\r\n\r\nThe mud from the sewage pipeline crossing Artur Abrahamyan’s apartment has washed away a wall in it, damaging the apartment. He now lives in a different place: “They fooled us saying they give us apartments,” says Artur, who can’t live in a humid place after an unsuccessful rupture surgery and foot injury.\r\n\r\nThe apartments were purchased by Karen Z Ltd in 2004 for 3,798,000 drams each (about $8,400 based on the dollar rate of the time), while a two-room apartment on the middle floors in the 16th district, the cheapest in Yerevan, could be bought for $4-5,000, and a three-roomed one – for 7,000. The seven apartments were bought for 26,777,700 AMD ($48,700).\r\nThe residents of the building say the area used to be an inoperable storage that was turned into a garbage dump.\r\n\r\nA real estate property dealer told ArmeniaNow the area may be sold for a song, because nobody will ever buy it for any purpose.\r\n\r\nAsylum graduates, who were given the 11 apartments on the upper 7th floor of a 7-storied new building on Tbilisian highway, have been luckier, as there is no water penetrating from the floor – only the ceiling.\r\n\r\nThe ceiling is a one-centimeter thick gypsum cardboard that lets rain water in through its junctions. There is no way to stop the leakage, because the ceiling will collapse if any construction is done over it. However, even if the roof is repaired in a way as to prevent water penetration onto the ceiling, the gypsum cardboard will still be unable to insulate the apartment from the noise of the rain and the weather changes. “It is so thin that we can hear the raindrops – rat-tat, rat-tat,” says Nune Simonyan, who received the apartment in December 2006. “I have asked the Social Security Ministry why they don’t cover with panel a roof here.”\r\n\r\nFighting cold in wintertime is impossible as the ceiling is unable to keep the heat inside, no matter how much the apartment is heated: “It’s impossible to heat, no matter how much you burn a heater, water in a glass turns into ice soon,” says Nune.\r\n\r\nShe has changed also the window, because, she says, rain and snow used to get inside through the cracks. Nune received the apartment without doors inside and has bought them herself. Unlike the apartments in the 16th district, here the floors are not just the concrete. But the parquet is laid over without having been properly glued and pops up underfoot. The building lacks water for days. Nune’s daughter Diana suffers an illness of kidneys and incontinence. But Nune has no chance to bathe her: “She goes to school, so I apply perfume on her to hide the smell. What else can I do?” Nune says the water pump burns very often, and she has been forced to pay 1,000 ($3) drams for the fourth time now to buy a new one. The 7-storied building has no elevator. “They took us for idiots and cheated us saying we wouldn’t get an apartment if we didn’t agree to take this one, so we took it. We had nobody to ask for advice,” says Nune.\r\n\r\nNune is forced to return to her former ‘cell’ in the dormitory, for a part of the year, to withstand the winter cold and escape the downpours. The picture is the same in the other 10 apartments.\r\n\r\nLala Ghazaryan, the head of the Agency for Family, Women and Child Issues at the Ministry of Labor and Social Issues of Armenia says Nune is obliged to to live in her apartment independent of the conditions. She says also the graduates of asylums do not entertain any further rights after receiving apartments. Ghazaryan says an apartment may be confiscated by the state if it is not lived in, if the state assesses it to be fit for occupancy.\r\n\r\nThe builder of the apartment is the same Karen Z – the organization that has purchased them. That is, it has sold the apartments it has built to the state for about 51,090,000 drams ($113,500, as of the 2006 exchange rate) - $10,300 per each apartment. \r\n\r\nHermine Asatryan says she found a total wreck, when she entered the apartment on the 4th floor of a 4-storied building in the 4th district in 2004. The ceiling was leaking, the balcony was falling to pieces, the windows would not shut, and the snow was getting inside in wintertime. Hermine claims of spending about $2,000 to make the apartment available for life: “I have saved money bit by bit for 4 years saving even on food, to repair my home. I have spent $600 only on the roof,” says Hermine, 28, who works as a waitress. The ceiling does not leak any more; she has also built a new balcony, and has also changed the windows. But the toilet room still does not work, and Hermine continues to save every penny to repair it. Hermine, knowing the deteriorating situation with the rest of the apartments, believes she has been luckier, because it was possible to repair her apartment unlike those in the 16th district and on Tbilisian Highway: “I have fought not to get a bad apartment and I got a good one.”\r\n\r\nHermine’s one-room apartment has also been purchased by the Karen Z for 4,573,391 drams ($8,300 in 2004). Hermine has heard that the former owner of the apartment had sold it for $4,500.\r\n\r\nLusine Manukyan, found her apartment on the last floor of the 12-storied building in the 8th district with leaking roof and rotten pipes: “There was no electricity, and the wires inside the walls were burnt off because of the humidity,” she says. The pipes were replaced with the means of the district municipality. The apartment was bought by Karen Z in 2004 – for 4.2 million drams (about $7,600).\r\n\r\nBuilding number 6 on Karmir Banaki Street in the town of Abovyan stands separate from the residential district and is at 500 meter distance from the nearest school or the bus station. The area of the first floor of the building has been remodeled into 6 apartments for graduates of child asylums. In all of the apartments humidity penetrates from beneath, the plaster peels off the lower part of the walls and the floor swells. The stench of humidity strikes at the entrance. Zvart Kirakosyan, 23, who spent her life in Zatik asylum, got her apartment in September 2007. She became A mother 5 months ago: “I like the apartment, but I’m afraid my baby will get ill from the humidity.” The apartments on Karmir Banaki 6 were bought by Sokol Group Ltd for 7.2 million drams (about $20,000 in 2007) each. \r\n\r\nThe Property\r\n\r\nAlmost all the TV sets in apartment owners’ homes have burned out within a month. Presumably, the property was stored in a humid place after purchasing and was damaged. The furniture – armchairs and beds, broke in many cases on the very first day. A bed is broken in one apartment, in another are the chairs, in a third place the wooden parts, but people still try to use them fixing somehow. Some have purchased new furniture, but all say the cheap mats and blankets stink as the wool inside was not cleaned of sheep excrement.\r\n\r\nLala Ghazaryan complains the graduates do not use the property and some have sold it out; she says the state will bring charges against them demanding the return of the property or compensation of financial losses.\r\n\r\nThe Criminal Cases\r\n\r\nIn April 2008 the Prosecutor General’s Office spread information, saying the Sokol Group Ltd has purchased only 63 apartments despite it has been obliged to purchase 132 apartments with further condition of passing them to the ministry and the agency for a total sum of 746,230,000 drams ($2 million 490) according to the trilateral agreements signed between the Sokol Group Ltd, the Agency for Management of the State Property by the government of Armenia and the Ministry of Labor and Social Issues in 2004, 2005, and 2006. Having surveyed the prices of 12 apartments, the Prosecutor’s Office has identified the apartments were bought for prices exceeding their market price by 53 million drams ($177,000)\r\n\r\nThe press release of the Prosecutor’s Office says: “The mentioned agreements have been signed in the name of the Ministry of Labor and Social Issues by the head of the ministry administration Dzonik Margaryan, who has abused the authority ascribed to him as an official person in favor of group interests, and against the interests of the service, that is by violating the requirements of the RA Law on Licensing by not defining mechanisms of supervision and specification of the purchase procedures and prices, and the exact areas of the purchased apartments, in the agreements with the Sokol Group Ltd, which lacks license for mediating in obtaining real property. As a result Lyova Aghababyan, the director of the Sokol Goup Ltd, has been engaged in an entrpreneural activities demanding licensing, without permission.”\r\n\r\nThe preliminary investigation into the case is now within the authority of the investigative agency of the police. A criminal case has been brought into action against Margaryan.\r\n\r\nThe case was initiated after the new government revealed in April the Sokol Group Ltd had been receiving money by signing three agreements on purchasing apartments beginning 2004, but has not purchased them for 3 years.\r\n\r\nIn response to the inquiry by ArmeniaNow, the police reiterated the information released by the Prosecutor’s Office five months ago almost word for word, which implies the investigation refers only to the joint abuses made by the ministry and the Sokol Group. No investigation is made into the activities and the quality of the apartments purchased by the ministry and the Karen Z company. The only difference between the two statements is that unlike the one by the Prosecutor’s Office, the police statement mentions Dzonik Margaryan three times.\r\n\r\nBut the documents show all the agreements have been signed upon an order of the Minister of Labor and Social Issues Aghvan Vardanyan, and Dzonik Margaryan has only been the one who puts the seals. The 2003 Program for State Support to the Graduates of the Child Tutorship Organizations has been enforced, all the mentioned apartments have been purchased, the Karen Z and Sokol Group organizations have been chosen and contracted, and all the expropriations have been done during the years when the Minister was Aghvan Vardanyan. The apartments have been accepted by the joint commission of the Ministry of Labor and Social Issues and the Agency for the Management of State Property, co-chaired by Lala Ghazaryan. The sphere is supervised by the Deputy Minister Filaret Berikyan of the Republican Party of Armenia.\r\n\r\nOwing to his high position in the Armenian Revolutionary Federation Dashnaktsutyun Party and the connections, Aghvan Vardanyan (Vardanyan left the ministerial post upon the order of the party in May and was chosen as member of the party bureau; Gevorg Danielyan, the Minister of Justice is the husband of his sister; he is also in close relations with the former President of Armenia Robert Kocharyan), has not been brought to any responsilbity, with only Dzonik Margaryan, an official being turned into a scapegoat, who has only fulfilled the minister’s orders and has neither chosen Sokol Group and Karen Z companies for contracts, nor has been related to the purchasing and the quality of the apartments.\r\n\r\nThe May 2, 2007 issue of the Haykakan Zhamanak daily reported while in office Aghvan Vardanyan has obtained a summer house more proper to a tycoon, three apartments, the two in a newly built apartment blocs, and a luxury car for his son. Another source reports Vardanyan has a collection of highly valued paintings.\r\n\r\nThe Dashnaktsutyun is aware of the corruption cases among its ministers and appear to encourage them because, according to information passed on to ArmeniaNow, some of the money for the corrupt deals goes into the party budget. The authorities, who feel their own lack of legitimacy, cannot instigate cases against any of its ARFD ministers, as it may confront the whole party.\r\n\r\nArmeniaNow contacted a member of Armenia’s Supreme Body, Ruben Markaryan, advising of the information on hand alleging that the Dashnak party accepts “dirty” money from ministers who belong to its party.\r\n\r\n“Every member pays a defined average membership fee,” Markaryan said. “That doesn’t mean that all of them are paying the same amount. Those who can afford, pay more. Ministers pay memberships fees higher than other members.”\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 208, 255, 'und', 0, 'Molybdenum is a metal that doesn\'t lose its cool. Used in a variety of alloys for steel, it remains rigid at 3,000 degrees Fahrenheit, and doesn\'t melt until 4,730 degrees F, a point at which everything but four other natural elements have vaporized and disappeared.\r\n\r\nThe biggest source of demand for molybdenum alloys is in stainless steel production, and as this also consumes nickel, the price of molybdenum usually moves in parallel with nickel. If nickel and stainless steel prices are rising, so is molybdenum. When they decline, moly follows them down.\r\n\r\nAt least, that\'s the theory.\r\n\r\nThe reality since mid-May is that nickel has been falling in price from a peak just short of US$25 per pound. At the same time, molybdenum jumped to $32/lb in May, then $35/lb in June. It remained at that price until mid-October, when it fell back a dollar.\r\n\r\nAnother theory is that--since molybdenum is a vital ingredient in the manufacture of high-pressure oil and gas pipes, along with containment vessels for new-generation nuclear reactors--its price will correlate with rising demand for oil, gas, and uranium. They should drive moly pricing, even if nickel and stainless steel fail. And there\'s more - although the global supply of molybdenum ore may be plentiful, the capacity to roast the concentrate into metal is quite constricted. On the way to the moly roaster, therefore, the market is sensitive to the possibility of shortages.\r\n\r\nDeep in the heart of the Caucasus, Armenia produces a tiny proportion of the world\'s supply of molybdenum metal - about 2%. It mined 10 million tonnes of ore in 2006; converted this to 8,700 tonnes of concentrate; and exported 4,888 tonnes (10.8 million pounds) of ferro-molybdenum, for a declared value of $157.8 million. That represents an average price of $14.61 per pound.\r\n\r\nThese statistics are difficult to come by. They have been sourced for this report from a variety of published sources; from telephone calls to the Armenian state statistics office and from mining companies working in the country.\r\n\r\nThere is also an oddity in the export valuation. The mining companies in Armenia have told Mineweb that they produced 9.6 million pounds of molybdenum metal from their concentrates in 2006. If this is valued at the average price for 2006 of $26.50/lb, the revenue value of output should have been $254 million. About $100 million in moly value seems to have been coddled, in the old-fashioned sense of that English term -- boiled and vaporized. That is roughly 10%, one dollar in ten, of Armenia\'s total export value in 2006 of $985.1 million.\r\n\r\nThe reason for this uncertainty gains in significance, because moly mining appears to be the single largest industry in Armenia, and is thus vital to the state\'s economic security. Moreover, Cronimet--the German mining company which controls Armenia\'s leading moly mine, Zangezur Copper and Molybdenum Combine, as well as its two smelters and roasters--is the single largest investor in the Armenian economy.\r\n\r\nCronimet says it has invested $70 million in Zangezur to date. According to the government, it promised to invest double that amount in return for the government concession, awarded three years ago. Even if the value data and magnitudes are uncertain, this makes the Germans very big fish in a very small pond. But Cronimet on Sudbeckenstrasse, in Karlsruhe, is a private company, owned by Gunter Pilarsky and his family. It issues no public financial reports, and Pilarsky refuses to respond to Mineweb questions.\r\n\r\nThe second moly miner in Armenia is an American concern called Comsup Commodities Inc. Its mine, the Agarak Copper and Molybdenum Combine, is located near Zangezur in southeastern Armenia. Officially located on Fletcher Avenue, in Fort Lee, New Jersey, Comsup is owned by Ben Bollag, whose two sons Michael and Dan are also in the business. Michael Bollag--who lists an address in Santa Barbara, California--is in charge of the Armenian operation.\r\n\r\nIn addition to mining at Agarak, Comsup is identified as trading the moly metal, which is roasted by AMP. The acronym stands for Armenian Molybdenum Production; under that name it is incorporated as a limited liability concern in Germany.\r\n\r\nCronimet controls a majority of the shares in Zangezur, and holds stakes also in AMP and in Armenian Company Plant of Pure Iron OAG, which are also shareholders of Zangezur. Thus, there is a cross-shareholding linking all three. In August 2004, the then Minister of Trade and Economic Development Karen Chshmaritian announced that Comsup and Cronimet were to be linked in the shareholding structure of the moly business. \"We have agreed in principle,\" the minister was quoted as saying that Cronimet and Comsup \"will participate in the privatization on the fifty-fifty percent share basis.\"\r\n\r\nBut this didn\'t happen. Instead, Cronimet took Zangezur; Comsup, Agarak. What happened to change the plan no one in the Armenian government will say, nor anyone at Cronimet and Comsup.\r\n\r\nThe spokesman of the Armenian Ministry of Natural Resources, Artsum Peponyan, told Mineweb that he could not say what had happened to Comsup at Zangezur. But he said he could confirm that Cronimet holds 60% of the shares of the mining company; another 15% were held by Pure Iron, and 12.5% by AMP.\r\n\r\nHe claimed that for its stake, Cronimet made a down payment of $5 million in 2004, with another $87 million in 2005. Altogether, among the several shareholders, Peponyan said that Zangezur had been sold for $132 million, plus investment undertakings. A total of $200 million is obligated for investment to 2012. By that time, annual ore processing capacity should be 12.5 million tonnes. Cronimet declined to discuss these figures.\r\n\r\nRegional press reports of government announcements indicate that in early 2004, Comsup paid the Armenian government Euro600, 000 for 100 percent of the shares in Agarak. It also accepted the condition that it would invest another Euro3.5 million in the mine over the next two years. The privatization and concession deal also appears to have set production targets. Beginning from January 1, 2005, Agarak was obligated to lift its ore throughput to 3 million tonnes, and its output of moly concentrate to 700 tonnes (equivalent to 770,000 lbs of metal).\r\n\r\nMichael Vogel is a German executive of Cronimet in Karlsruhe. He told Mineweb, \"We are a civilized German company, and we don\'t have to answer questions\". He volunteered that Cronimet mines moly at Zangezur, and then processes it at two local plants, Pure Iron and AMP. He added that Cronimet does not export concentrates, but instead delivers these to Pure Iron and AMP. According to Vogel, Cronimet\'s annual output is about 8,000 tonnes of concentrates, representing about 8.8 million pounds of metal. Cronimet\'s website reports 2006 production of 7,940 tonnes of concentrate.\r\n\r\nVogel declined to say what relationship his company has with Pure Iron and AMP. An Armenian media report claims Cronimet has a controlling stake in Pure Iron. Vogel declared: \"We have no relationship with Comsup.\"\r\n\r\nA website statement by AMP claims that Comsup \"is the main consumer of AMP production\". At AMP\'s plant, there was reluctance to disclose its input or output volumes, or its relationship with Comsup. The secretary of the plant agreed to lift the director\'s telephone receiver, but declined to give his name, or her own. Asked for their production figures, AMP refused to answer.\r\n\r\nAt Agarak, there is an even deeper mystery.\r\n\r\nAccording to a report on October 13 from the Armenian news agency Arminfo, and the Russian news agency Interfax, Comsup has sold its concession. The Georgian Madneuli mining company - which is owned by the Moscow holding Industrial Investors - \"has acquired Armenia\'s Agarak Copper and Molybdenum Combine (AMMK) from Comsup Commodities of the US, a source close the Armenian government told Interfax. The deal gives Industrial Investors the right to develop the Agarak copper-molybdenum deposit. Comsup Commodities acquired a 100 percent stake in AMMK in May 2004. It has invested over 20 million Euro in the company.\"\r\n\r\nAsked about this report, Oleg Rumyantsev, spokesman for Industrial Investors in Moscow, told Mineweb he had seen the report, and had spoken to Madneuli\'s Chief Executive Koba Nakopia. According to Rumyantsev, \"this is all incorrect information. Madneuli is not trying to get control of Agarak. This is a mistake.\" Contacted at Madneuli, Nakopia refused to answer questions.\r\n\r\nThe Regnum news agency also issued the following statement from Madneuli: \"Joint-stock company Madneuli, being the property of the Russian financial and industrial group Industrial Investors, denies the information on acquisition of shares of the Agarak copper-molybdenum combine. Madneuli does not conduct any negotiations concerning the acquisition of the Agarak copper-molybdenum combine. ‘I do not know at all from where the mass media took the idea that we wish to get this Armenian company\', noted Koba Nakopia.\"\r\n\r\nMineweb asked the chief of the Arminfo news agency, Emanuel Mkartichyan, where the news report had come from, and whether Arminfo had published a correction or retraction. Mkartichyan refused to reply. A source in the agency claimed the report had come from a freelancer.\r\n\r\nMichael Bollag was asked what has been happening at Agarak. He would not respond. Instead, one source at the company volunteered: \"I know the answers to your questions, but I am not authorized to give you the answers.\" He said Agarak is producing 700 tonnes of concentrate per annum, with an equivalent of 770,000 lbs of metal. He refused to say if the concentrate is processed locally, or if moly is exported by Comsup.\r\n\r\nRustam Raznikov heads Comsup\'s Moscow office. He refused to answer the telephone.\r\n\r\nA second source at Comsup told Mineweb that his company has been taking 1 million pounds of moly out of Armenia annually. He added that the Agarak combine is also producing 2,000 tonnes of copper concentrates per month.\r\n\r\nAuthor: John HelmerPosted:  Tuesday , 30 Oct 2007 \r\n', '', 'filtered_html');
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('node', 'press_release', 0, 209, 256, 'und', 0, 'The scenery is breathtaking. Sandwiched between two seas and home to Europe\'s highest mountains, the Caucasus has always been an alluring and darkly mysterious region. Its reputation rose during its long, slow conquest by imperial Russia in the 19th century. The Caucasus features prominently in the poetry of Pushkin and the fiction of Tolstoy. A classic Russian figure, the “superfluous man” who is powerless and doesn\'t fit in, first appeared in the character of Pechorin in Lermontov\'s novel, “A Hero of Our Time”, set in the Caucasus. Russian readers were also enthralled by the exploits of the Caucasian resistance hero, Imam Shamil.\r\n\r\nNow the Caucasus is at centre-stage again. The restive north Caucasus republics in the Russian federation are always in the news. After two bloody wars with the Russians, Chechnya is more or less at peace under the thumb of its strongman president, Ramzan Kadyrov, but could easily flare up again. Dagestan has become an increasingly lawless place. Worse, Ingushetia is in a state of near-anarchy, with Russian security services using the same brutal methods as armed Ingush rebels.\r\n\r\nBut it is the three countries of the south Caucasus--Georgia, Azerbaijan and Armenia--that are the bigger story now, for they are the cockpit in a new clash between Russia and the West. The main reason these tiny countries matter, despite a combined population of only 16m or so, is geographical. Perched next to Turkey, north of Iran and south of Russia, this is a place where empires have long met--and clashed. Russia never reconciled itself to losing control of the Caucasus when the Soviet Union broke up in 1990-91. Moscow has been visibly fretful about rising Western influence.\r\n\r\nThe Russians have been especially hostile to Georgia\'s president, Mikheil Saakashvili, who swept to power after ousting Eduard Shevardnadze in the “rose revolution” of 2003. Indeed, the icy personal relations between Mr Saakashvili and Russia\'s Vladimir Putin have clouded the whole region. The Russians have kept up a trade and travel embargo on Georgia. They were incensed by NATO\'s decision in April that Georgia should one day be a member, even if the country was not offered an immediate “membership action plan”.\r\n\r\nRussia is less neuralgic about the other two Caucasus countries, where its influence is stronger. Yet in many ways Azerbaijan matters more than Georgia, as it has lots of oil and gas (Georgia and Armenia have plenty of minerals, but little energy). The whole area is crucial for existing and planned pipelines, especially for gas, that can supply Europe while bypassing Russia (see map). Pipelines go a long way towards explaining why the Caucasus is now such a critical theatre in Russia\'s face-off with the West.\r\n\r\nThe third reason why the Caucasus matters is that it harbours several simmering conflicts left after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. Indeed, most of the fighting then took place in the Caucasus. Georgia was left with two regions, Abkhazia and South Ossetia, that broke free of Tbilisi\'s control in two wars in the early 1990s. As became clear in August, Russia sustains their independence from the irritating Mr Saakashvili. Azerbaijan has the autonomous region of Nagorno-Karabakh, over which it fought and lost an even bloodier war with Armenia in 1991-94. Today Armenia controls not only Nagorno-Karabakh but also seven villages in Azerbaijan proper, and soldiers are frequently killed along the ceasefire line.\r\n\r\nMarching through Georgia\r\n\r\nIt was on August 7th that the world woke up to the dangers of the Caucasus\'s territorial conflicts. For months the Russians had done their utmost to provoke the Georgian president, who has a reputation as a hothead. Bombs were dropped, drones sent over Georgian territory, invasion exercises staged. The Americans insist they were urging restraint on Mr Saakashvili, but some observers claim the signals were mixed. After all, Mr Saakashvili had promised to restore Georgia\'s territorial integrity; and he also seized a smaller rebellious enclave, Ajaria, in 2004. He may have banked on doing the same in South Ossetia without either American objections or a determined Russian response.\r\n\r\nTension rose steadily during the week leading up to August 7th. Indeed, Paata Zakareishvili, a close observer of the enclaves, believes that war could have broken out on any day that week. Yet what actually happened on August 7th remains a matter of fierce dispute--and may be the subject of an international inquiry that Mr Saakashvili says he would welcome, and claims he was the first to call for.\r\n\r\nThe Georgian version of events goes like this. After several days of skirmishes with South Ossetian forces, Mr Saakashvili announced a ceasefire, which he says was violated by the Ossetians. But he decided to shell and then invade Tskhinvali, the South Ossetian capital, only once Russian troops and tanks started pouring in from North Ossetia through the Roki tunnel on the evening of August 7th. The Russians insist that no troops entered the tunnel and that the attack on Tskhinvali was unprovoked (monitors from the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe, trapped in Tskhinvali, say that they heard no Ossetian shelling before the Georgians opened up). At the time the Russians also asserted that 2,000 people had been killed in the city and talked wildly of genocide (the true number seems to be little more than 100).\r\n\r\nThe Russians responded with massive force. Although they took heavy casualties from the Georgians as their columns drove south, sheer numbers eventually told and the Georgians were pushed back before abandoning the fight. The Russians then occupied swathes of territory around the enclaves and briefly threatened Tbilisi before declaring a ceasefire. Yet for weeks after they first promised the European Union that they would withdraw from Georgia proper, the Russians kept their troops and checkpoints on the thin excuse of taking “security measures”. These forces smashed up Georgian bases, ports, railways and roads.\r\n\r\nThe Russians have just declared that they have fulfilled their most recent promise to the EU to pull out of Georgia proper by October 10th. Yet their troops are in places where they were not before August 7th, and there are far more of them. Georgian villages in and near South Ossetia have been subjected to brutal ethnic cleansing. And the Abkhaz have taken back the Kodori gorge from Georgian forces. This is a long way from restoring the status quo before August 7th. The short August war has also left Georgia with the burden of as many as 60,000 refugees.\r\n\r\nThe EU has now deployed some 200 ceasefire monitors, but the Russians will not let them into the two enclaves, which they have unilaterally recognised as independent states. Talks over the enclaves\' status began in Geneva this week but broke up almost immediately, when the Russians walked out. Agreement was clearly impossible. The Russians think they won the war and should reap the rewards. The Georgians cannot let go of the enclaves. Even Nino Burjanadze, a former speaker of the Georgian parliament who is now an opponent of Mr Saakashvili\'s, says this would be like cutting off one\'s arms and legs.\r\n\r\nOne effect of the war was to dampen Georgia\'s soaring economy. Real GDP rose by over 12% in 2007, thanks to a surge in foreign investment, a liberalisation programme and a curbing of once-endemic corruption. Mr Saakashvili says that, if the war had happened just two years ago, the economy would have collapsed. Now, he notes with satisfaction, Russian financial markets have suffered the bigger falls. Admittedly, growth looks like lapsing to 5% or less this year, not least because of a bleaker world economic outlook; but reconstruction work and a promised inflow of foreign aid should push it up next year.\r\n\r\nThe political prospects in Georgia are murkier. Although Mr Saakashvili likes to say that the best response to Russia\'s aggression is more democracy, he has yet to translate his words into action. He did himself no favours by crushing opposition protests in Tbilisi last November. He was re-elected president in January, and his party won the parliamentary election in May. But the opposition is regrouping. Ms Burjanadze plans to form a new party. More critics of Mr Saakashvili\'s warmongering venture into South Ossetia and his autocratic instincts are emerging: Georgia\'s ombudsman recently called for “real democracy” to replace authoritarianism. Ironically it is the Russians, who most want to get rid of Mr Saakashvili, who are now his biggest prop: since the war, his popularity rating has risen to over 75%.\r\n\r\nEven today, Mr Saakashvili claims to regret nothing; he maintains that he had no alternative and that the war was not really about South Ossetia and Abkhazia at all. Indeed, he barely accepts that Georgia lost. As he sees it, the Russians already controlled both enclaves; his government has not fallen; vital pipelines across Georgia were undamaged despite Russian bombing; and the economy is holding up. And he revels in the world\'s attention. When Georgia was overrun by bigger neighbours in the past, he says, nobody paid any heed; this time, leaders from all over Europe flocked to Tbilisi to show their support.\r\n\r\nThe oil-and-gas game\r\n\r\nThe August war has profoundly affected Azerbaijan and Armenia too. Neither is anywhere near as democratic as Georgia, both are friendlier to Russia (Armenia, in particular, is a close ally) and neither aspires yet to join Western clubs like NATO or the EU. Yet, in the war\'s aftermath, both are looking to the West more than before.\r\n\r\nAzerbaijan\'s president, Ilham Aliev, predictably won re-election on October 15th, in part because most opposition candidates boycotted the poll on the ground that it was neither free nor fair. An autocratic government can appear to create stability. Yet the younger Mr Aliev is widely seen as a weaker leader than his father Heidar, who bequeathed him the presidency in 2003, and some think he is in hock to the country\'s most powerful business oligarchs. Opposition leaders like Eldar Namazov claim that there is even less freedom now than before.\r\n\r\nWhat is certain is that Azerbaijan\'s oil-fired economy has been booming. As one diplomat says, it feels and looks a bit like a slightly seedy Gulf emirate. The Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline is now shipping 1m barrels of oil a day; gas is flowing to Georgia, Turkey and Russia. Baku is smothered in petrodollars, with glitzy new buildings and horrendous traffic jams. It is less clear that ordinary citizens are benefiting. Many complain about inflation, which is running anywhere between 16% (officially) and 30% (say some economists). The government talks up its programme of economic liberalisation, which has been praised by the World Bank. Yet Azerbaijan also has a reputation for corruption.\r\n\r\nThere is a big downside to the oil boom: it crushes the non-oil economy. One economist says that oil and gas now account for half of GDP and over 90% of exports. The real exchange rate has appreciated sharply, one reason why Baku is so expensive. Worse, oil and gas reserves in Azerbaijani territory are finite. Bill Schrader, head of BP Azerbaijan, notes that the real game for the future will be to try to tap into the Turkmenistan side of the Caspian, which has huge reserves of gas.\r\n\r\nAzerbaijan\'s energy wealth is naturally of interest to the Russians, who want it to sell more oil and gas northwards. Russia\'s energy giant, Gazprom, is desperate for more gas. But the government is having none of it: it supplies Georgia with gas against Russia\'s wishes, for example, and it is enthusiastic about pipelines to the West (including the planned Nabucco pipeline). Officials see big advantages in not depending on a single buyer.\r\nLooking for allies\r\n\r\nAnother big cloud on the horizon is Nagorno-Karabakh. Negotiations over the Armenian-controlled territory continue fitfully in the so-called Minsk group led by Russia, America and France. Until the war in Georgia, observers were worried that a newly rich Azerbaijan, which is spending heavily on defence, might again resort to force. Ordinary Azerbaijanis, angry that one-seventh of their country is occupied by Armenia, remain belligerent. But after Georgia a new war looks less, not more, likely, not least because the Russians would not allow Armenia, their ally and host to two big military bases, to be beaten.\r\n\r\nYet the Armenians are not complacent. Russia\'s war with Georgia made this tiny landlocked country feel highly vulnerable. Its eastern border with Azerbaijan has been blocked by the aftermath of the 1991-94 war, and the Turks sealed their western border in 1993 in sympathy with their Azeri cousins. Some 80% of Armenia\'s trade goes through ports in Georgia, many of which were damaged by the Russians. Not surprisingly, the Armenians are looking around for more friends in the neighbourhood besides Russia. A new gas pipeline from Iran is planned, for instance.\r\n\r\nArmenia is hardly less autocratic than Azerbaijan. The election in February that brought Serzh Sargsyan into the presidency was criticised by most Western monitors. Worse, the opposition leader (and former president), Levon Ter-Petrossian, who says roundly that the election was stolen, took his followers on to the streets. The result was the most violent protests Yerevan has ever seen, put down by the government with the loss of eight lives. As many as 74 opposition demonstrators remain in jail, although Mr Sargsyan blandly assures interlocutors that there are no political prisoners in Armenia.\r\n\r\nAs in the rest of the Caucasus, the economy has done well in recent years, although it is over-dependent on raw materials, construction and diamond-trading, plus remittances from the large Armenian diaspora. It is also the diaspora that bangs the drum most loudly against a diplomatic settlement of Karabakh or any improvement of relations with Turkey. Yet Mr Sargsyan is being bolder than his predecessor-turned-critic, Robert Kocharian. Both men come from Nagorno-Karabakh, so they are hardly likely to let go of the Armenian-populated enclave. But Mr Sargsyan is readier to negotiate and to give back most Armenian-controlled territory in Azerbaijan outside Nagorno-Karabakh. Even that may not be enough to settle the dispute, for this would require Azerbaijan to accept the de facto independence of Karabakh.\r\n\r\nThe other two reasons for mild hope concern Turkey. Mr Sargsyan bravely invited the Turkish president, Abdullah Gul, to a football match in early September. Talks between the two foreign ministers took place in New York three weeks later. The aim, as Edward Nalbandian, the Armenian foreign minister, puts it, is to achieve “total normalisation” of relations with Turkey. On the Armenian side, that means dropping all preconditions, including demands that Turkey accept that there was an Armenian genocide in 1915. Mr Sargsyan has gingerly expressed support instead for a Turkish idea that the subject should be looked at by a joint historical commission.\r\n\r\nThe push to reopen the border with Turkey is clearly driven in part by Georgia\'s war with Russia. But there is a long way to go before inhabitants of Yerevan can cross the border to their sacred Mount Ararat. As always, some businessmen benefit from its closure. Moreover, Karabakh will be a continuing sore: on the Armenian side, some may prefer stasis on Karabakh to normal relations with Turkey, while the Azerbaijanis, who have great influence in Turkey, will do their utmost to upset friendlier links between Turkey and Armenia.\r\n\r\nA Western opportunity\r\n\r\nTo outsiders, the Caucasus often seems a hotbed of devilish intrigue, power games and insoluble ethnic conflict. The war in Georgia confirmed the worst suspicions of many. Yet both in Georgia and in its two neighbours, it could also have created an opportunity for change.\r\n\r\nFor all his bravado, Mr Saakashvili was clearly shaken. He should now be more amenable to the line that the best way to promote Georgia\'s integrity is to foster a genuinely liberal democracy--so that, one day, the enclaves might choose to return. A similar argument could carry some force in Azerbaijan and Armenia as they look for friends beyond Russia. If the West is to be consistent, however, it should support these countries only in so far as they take steps, however slowly, in the same democratic direction as Georgia.\r\n\r\nTwo keys could help to unlock this process. The first is to dangle the prospect, however distant, that all three countries might one day qualify as members of the EU. As experience in eastern Europe has shown, this is the best way to lure countries towards reform. The EU may offer a better route than NATO membership, which is both more problematic and further off after Georgia\'s war.\r\n\r\nThe second key is to work with Turkey, which as the only NATO country in the region is well-placed to offset Russia\'s influence. Shortly after the war, Turkey launched a proposed “Caucasus Stability and Co-operation Platform”, which even the Russians applauded. Turkish companies are active in the region, conspicuously so in Georgia and Azerbaijan and (in disguise) even in Armenia. If the Turks can improve relations with Armenia, including opening the border, they could play a more constructive role in the Caucasus than the Russians have ever done.\r\n\r\nBut both Turkey and the three Caucasus countries will need encouragement. That could start with a firm EU decision to back the Nabucco gas pipeline. It would also help if the Caucasus countries were less nationalist and better at working together. Paradoxically, Georgia\'s war with Russia may enhance the chances of peaceful progress in the whole region.\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 210, 257, 'und', 0, 'IYC’s monitors observed the local government elections in 206 precincts on September 28.\r\n\r\nAs a result of monitoring the first phase of local government elections in some communities of Yerevan on September 7 the IYC published its findings concerning the violations and shortcomings of the electoral processes such as illegal voting and intimidation. There were even frustrating cases such as tension and violence in some precincts. Despite the fact that the IYC has condemned the repressive methods of solving the electoral disputes and petitioned the parties involved in electoral processes to keep the process of elections in the framework of legality and act in an environment of tolerance, there were cases of illegal voting and violence during these local government elections as well.\r\n\r\nIYC is specifically concerned of such cases during the local government elections in Kentron community. In some polling stations “neighborhood authorities” have actively interfered with the electoral processes and PEC representatives, who did not prevent those violations either due to ignorance of the law or on purpose.\r\n\r\nIt is worth mentioning that the voter turnout was quite low and they were not active, which means that they were not interested in those two candidates.\r\n\r\nThe IYC has observed the following violations during the local government elections:\r\n\r\n \r\n\r\nIllegal voting\r\n\r\n·        There was a case of open voting in #10/03 precinct of Nork-Marash. The commission members noticed the violation but failed to prevent it.\r\n\r\n·        Ballot stuffing was observed in Kentron community as presented below:\r\n\r\n      - In #10/03 precinct of Kentron community the loyalists of candidate Gagik Beglaryan stuffed ballots, which caused a conflict and scuffle with proxies and PEC members. The proxies demanded that the commission register the violation in the protocol but the PEC head failed to do so.\r\n\r\n     - There were cases of ballot stuffing in #10/11, 10/53 and 10/12 precincts.\r\n\r\n     - In #10/51 Gagik Beglaryan’s loyalists stuffed ballots. The head of this commission was there and ignored that violation.\r\n\r\n     - In #10/53 precinct a young man and a woman brought marked ballots with them in order to stuff. Before they would cast those ballots into the ballot box the PEC chair approached them to check who they had voted for. When they found out that among the ballots marked for Beglaryan there were also ballots marked for Zurabyan they made a noise and conflict in the precinct. The representative of the Heritage party in the PEC realized that all their efforts were useless and decided to boycot and left the precinct without participating in the vote count. Ararat Zurabyan’s proxy left the precinct as well.\r\n\r\n     There have been such violations in other precincts as well. In consideration of the hard situation our organization does not believe that boycotting the work of the electoral commission on part of PEC members or proxies and leaving polling stations is the best way to express their opinion about the elections.\r\n\r\n·        In a fixed-run taxi (#33) parked not far from the student dorms of 2nd Massive of Nor-Nork of Yerevan some people cut deals with voters. Specifically, on the voting day citizens approached that vehicle, showed their passports and took some white papers and directly went to the nearest #2/18 precinct.\r\n\r\n·        In #2/2 precinct of Nor-Nork community of Yerevan (at 6 p.m.) the Legal State party representative in the PEC Frida Martirosyan discovered and prevented cases of illegal voting (voting instead of other people). When three citizens were going to cast their ballots into the ballot box it turned out that those voters were registered in another district, which means that they had signed and were going to vote instead of other people. This violation was registered in the protocol.\r\n\r\n·        The voting process proceeded in a tense environment in #10/05 precinct. There were even conflicts risen between proxies and PEC members. In this precinct the PEC gave a ballot to a voter without a passport and based on a photocopy of the voter’s passport, which is a violation of Clause 3 of Article 55 of the Electoral Code of RA.\r\n\r\nIn the same precinct (#10/05) the PEC members allowed a group of people to vote without any documents and they made a separate voter list for them.\r\n\r\n·        In #10/19 precinct a citizen argued that he was the only person registered at his address at Teryan 19, apt. 8 and there were other people registered at the same address in the voter lists.\r\n\r\n·        In #10/05 precinct some voters found signatures next to the names of people that they know are not in the country.\r\n\r\n·        Resident of Vardanants St. 10 building Gevorg Margaryan found anther signature next to his name when he went to his precinct to vote.\r\n\r\n·        In #10/07 precinct there was a conflict and scuffle between Ararat Zurabyan’s proxies and PEC members when a voter asked a PEC member to show the name of his candidate on the ballot. The conflict, which was risen in the presence of police officers and media representatives, was stopped only after new group of police security officers arrived at the precinct.\r\n\r\n·        Many cases of open voting and multiple voting were observed in #10/54 precinct.\r\n\r\n·        Cases of double and multiple voting were observed in #10/51 precinct.\r\n\r\n·        In precinct 10/52 a proxy alleged that the PEC chair had put a stack of ballots into his pocket, after which they invited people from the CEC and prosecutor’s office. Those people arrived after an hour delay and did not find anything with the PEC chair. As a result of it there was a conflict and scuffle in the polling station.\r\n\r\n·        In precinct 10/19 (at 1:30 p.m.) two people voted at the same voting screen at a time. The monitor said that it was against the law and the PEC chairman responded that they were a married couple. Even if they are a couple it is still violation of the law.\r\n\r\n \r\n\r\nViolations of the electoral procedure\r\n\r\n·        In #2/2, 2/1, 2/3, 2/19, 2/4 and 2/38 precincts of Nor-Nork community despite the requirement of Clause 3 of Article 53 of the Electoral Code the PEC member in charge of the ballot box and envelope stamping was not provided with the addresses of the voters included in the voter list. Thus, the PEC members could not check whether the addresses recited by the voters were true or not. Even the PEC members did not know about this law requirement.\r\n\r\n·        In #10/07 precinct the PEC made a break and the vote count started after an hour delay.\r\n\r\n·        The vote counting process was interrupted in #10/48 and 10/38 precincts.\r\n\r\n·        In #10/44 precinct two people introduced themselves as the head of the PEC. Despite the fact that the elected PEC head was Armen Harutyunyan, another person named Arman Tchagharyan was controlling the situation at the precinct. As a matter of fact this person was the secretary of PEC #10/44 and he publicly announced that he wanted to see David Copperfield’s tricks after closing the precinct at 8p.m., when he allegedly said that the results would be changed.  \r\n\r\n \r\n\r\nInfluence on voters’ free will\r\n\r\n·        The IYC monitors have observed that in many precincts of Nor-Nork community different people entered the polling stations to escort people who allegedly were not able to vote. This was widespread in many precincts of the mentioned community and was done for the purpose of campaigning among voters and controlling their votes. After the first part of the voting day the voter turnout became very active when people were bussed to polling stations around 5-7 p.m. (e.g. precinct #2/41). Other unauthorized people were escorting those voters in the polling station and controlling their votes to the extent of marking the ballots instead of them.\r\n\r\n·        Some of the #10/48 PEC members openly instructed voters who to vote for. The same PEC failed to carry out their duties in a duly manner, often there was chaos in the precinct, and the vote count proceeded with procedural violations as well.\r\n\r\n·        Not far from the #10/48 precinct a group of people was campaigning among voters on their way to the precinct.\r\n\r\n·        In the #10/49 precinct some “neighborhood authorities” interfered in the process of elections, campaigned near the precincts, escorted voters to the precinct and voter screens and controlled their vote.\r\n\r\n·        Unauthorized people were controlling the votes in the #10/54 polling station as well, where there was chaos and the situation was out of control.\r\n\r\n \r\n\r\nAbuse of proxy and monitor rights\r\n\r\n·        In the #10/11 and 10/12 precincts proxies and monitors were not allowed to freely move inside the precinct and monitor the voting process.\r\n\r\n·In precinct #10/14 the PEC chair refused to sign the copy of the final protocol to be handed to the IYC’s monitor. The latter also said that he was the boss there and that he could do anything he wanted and made arbitrary decisions.\r\n\r\nIn the #10/38 precinct the PEC chair did not allow the proxies to video record the vote count.\r\n\r\n·In Precinct #10/51 the proxies tried to prevent ballot stuffing but the PEC chair got angry with them and threatened to make them leave the precinct and said that he wouldn’t let them monitor the vote count process.\r\n\r\n·In precinct #10/51 the PEC members were influencing on the IYC monitor by checking his report and creating artificial difficulties for him.\r\n\r\n·In precinct #10/44 the PEC did not let the proxies and monitors approach them and observe their activities by saying that they are interrupting their work.\r\n\r\n·In precinct #10/21 the proxies and monitors tried to monitor the voter lists and observe the ballot box but the PEC told them that they were interfering with their work and did not let them observe and observe the IDs of voters.\r\n\r\n \r\n\r\nInconveniences of polling stations\r\n\r\n· In the #2/2, 2/1, 2/3, 2/19, 2/4, 2/24, 2/16, 2/17, 2/8, 2/45 polling stations of Nor-Nork community and the #10/16, 10/21 polling stations of Kentron community the voting screens were furnished in a manner that one could see the results of votes. It is a violation of Article 48/5 of the Electoral Code. Even though it was possible to furnish the voting screen in a manner to provide voting secrecy those voting screens were not furnished in a duly manner and there were no ribbon barriers used.\r\n\r\nSeptember 30, 2008\r\n\r\nIt’s Your Choice is a nonpartisan NGO and the largest domestic election monitor in Armenia with 4,000 volunteers, and offices and chapters in all 10 marzes and communities of Yerevan. IYC’s mission is to promote transparent elections and democratic processes in Armenia; establish true self-governance and accountability within the government; encourage citizen participation in community governance; and provide objective, reliable and timely information to Armenian voters about electoral processes.\r\n\r\nSince 1999 IYC has been involved in monitoring activities in different levels of elections. IYC has monitored two parliamentary, two presidential elections in 2003 and 2008, three local government elections, the presidential elections of 2003 and the Constitutional referendum of November 27, 2005. After the elections IYC made reports and developed recommendations to the RA “Electoral Code”.\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 211, 258, 'und', 0, 'The world financial crisis creates a number of risks for Armenian economy, ex-premier of Armenia Hrant Bagratyan said. He pointed out that the crisis effects on Armenia\'s economy are not so visible due to economic isolation of the country. Yet, some effects could be expected, he said.\r\n\r\nAccording to Bagratyan, the first risk is connected with reduction in transfers from the USA and Russia to Armenia. The second risk is with the banking sector due to liquidity problems experienced by foreign banks. Large-scale construction is also placing a threat to Armenian economy as it is carried out through loans extended by Armenia\'s commercial banks, Bagratyan said.\r\n\r\nHe also stressed that prices for molybdenum and cooper are going down due to the crisis, thus, leading to reduced income from export. The fifth risk, according to Bagratyan, is connected with bonds and the government should develop appropriate measures in this respect.\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 212, 259, 'und', 0, 'Real estate prices have started falling at the end of summer in Yerevan. According to the monthly report of Cadastre Real Estate Committee, the average price for 1 sq/m of an apartment in Yerevan has fallen by 1,8% in August. The number of the real estate bargains also reduced in August by 15% if compared with July and by 22% if compared with August 2007.\r\n\r\nAs Director of Armenian Real Estate Market Artem Pribylsky said, prices falling tendency has been preserved, and they fell by 1-3% in September and at the beginning of October. He also added that the world economic crisis has affected the situation at the Armenian real estate market. Armenians of the Diaspora and the local residents, which receive transfers, are the main buyers of the primary accommodation. For this reason because of worsening of the economic situation in the transfer-donor states (Russia and the USA) inflow of cash reduces as a result of which buying ability is also reducing. Pribilsky also said no rush sale of real estate has been noticed at the market because of real estate proces falling. But this does not rule out rush at the mortgage market, where the real estate prices will fall much but the mortgage bank rate will grow because of liquidity falling.\r\n\r\nAccording to the data of ArmInfo analysts, Armenian banks have made the conditions of the mortgage credits giving more severe of the last months. The world liquidity crisis has not yet touched on the banking system of the country since there are no big volumes of the sums attracted from abroad in the liabilities, but the danger of its possible affecting Armenia make the banks to increase “liquidity pillow”. Thus, certain reduction of the mortgage crediting volumes in the country is reducing real estate demand level in some sense and is no more able to keep prices. Moreover, one should take into account that the real estate sector, the “locomative” of the Armenian economy, which almost fully depends on foreign money inflow, still remains the weakest and the most affected by foreign crisis tendencies. The domino effect may work in other sectors of economy as well, in case of stagnation. Nevertheless, as analysts say, today the long-awaited correction of prices has been notices of the real estate market, which have risen up to the inadequate level thanks to foreign money inflow over the last years.\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 213, 260, 'und', 0, 'The average profit of Armenia\'s monopolists from the sale of imported products exceeded 100 percent. According to the official data, a total of 88,000 tons of sugar were imported to Armenia. The minimum selling prices of 1kg at shops was 210 AMD, whereas the company owned by the Parliament member Samvel Alexanyan imported sugar at 108 AMD for 1kg.\r\n\r\nSimilarly, the import of one liter of vegetable oil cost 320 AMD, whereas the selling price in Armenia reaches 800-1,000 AMD. Thus, the profit reached 120 percent.\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 214, 261, 'und', 0, 'Armenia holds the 97th position out of 134 in the Global Competitiveness Report 2008-2009 published by the World Economic Forum, Wednesday. Armenia has dropped by 4 positions as compared with the previous ranking. The United States tops the overall ranking. Switzerland is in the second position followed by Denmark and Sweden. Azerbaijan holds the 69th position, and Georgia - the 90th position. According to the ranking, the main obstacles for Armenia\'s economy are corruption, low level of tax administration, regulation of exchange rates and unsatisfactory work of the state machine.\r\n\r\nBy the efficiency of public structures Armenia holds the 96th place. The most unfavorable situation is fixed in the sphere of intellectual property protection (106th place), public confidence in politicians (104), independence of judicial system (123), ethic behavior of firms (115), and protection of interests of minority shareholders (124). By the general state of infrastructure, Armenia is in the 90th place in the ranking. By the efficiency of motor highways, railroads, as well as electric power supply, Armenia holds the 79th , 83rd and 89th positions respectively. By the quality of telephone lines Armenia holds the 65th place. The country has comparatively higher indices in the group of macroeconomic stability criteria (83). By inflation rate the republic holds the 61st place, and the government debt rate is qualified as Armenia\'s competitive advantage (26).\r\n\r\nThe rankings are calculated from both publicly available data and the Executive Opinion Survey, a comprehensive annual survey conducted by the World Economic Forum together with its network of Partner Institutes (leading research institutes and business organizations) in the countries covered by the report. In 2008, about 12 thsd businessmen from 134 countries took part in the survey.\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 215, 262, 'und', 0, 'Monday, October 6 2008\r\n\r\nEVENT: The monitoring committee of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe considered developments in Armenia on October 3.\r\n\r\nSIGNIFICANCE: President Serzh Sargsyan has weathered the international and national storm triggered by the heavy-handed suppression of opposition protests following the February 2008 elections. The government is showing increasing confidence in making political appointments, which could eventually lead to the return of former President Robert Kocharian to power.\r\n\r\nANALYSIS: The February elections weakened the ruling regime, which is epitomised by the tandem of President Serzh Sargsyan and his predecessor Robert Kocharian. By September, it had to a large degree consolidated its power, though the violent suppression of opposition protests in March damaged Armenia\'s international image. The Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) issued a resolution blaming key state institutions for failing to comply with democratic standards, the rule of law and human rights. However, a subsequent PACE resolution was milder and postponed suspending Armenia\'s voting rights until January.\r\n\r\nOpposition momentum. The smooth transfer of power between Kocharian and Sargsyan, a former prime minister, was called into question when Levon Ter-Petrosian, the first president of independent Armenia, surprised the ruling elite with his decision to run for the presidency. In an election campaign marked by mutual accusations over past ills and the virtual absence of serious debate on the country\'s future, Ter-Petrosian managed to rally significant support from those discontented with persistent corruption, the tainted political process, inequitable economic transformation and government\'s lack of accountability and transparency. Following elections marked by numerous violations, the opposition organised ten days of protests; the degree of mobilisation surprised the ruling elite. This ended on March 1-2, when violent clashes between the police and thousands of supporters left at least ten dead. The government imposed a 20-day emergency, banned rallies and curtailed media freedoms (see ARMENIA: Regime will use force to retain power - March 27, 2008).\r\n\r\nSeveral hundred opposition supporters were detained, of whom 76 were still in detention at the end of September. The opposition was in effect denied the right of assembly until September 15, when the Yerevan mayor\'s office authorised a rally. In his address, Ter-Petrosian pointed to internal tensions within the coalition on policy towards Turkey and personnel changes. He also said that the Russian-Georgian war in August had shown that Armenia was as vulnerable as ever to external pressures. Yet the number attending the rally was lower than generally expected, suggesting that the opposition is losing momentum. It was also defeated in several districts in the September municipal elections.\r\n\r\nParliamentary leadership. On September 29, the National Assembly elected as speaker Hovik Abrahamian, the chief of the presidential staff and a close ally of Kocharian and Sargsyan. He replaced Tigran Torosian, parliamentary speaker since 2006:\r\n\r\nFormer speaker. Torosian had dismissed rumours of his replacement in recent months and was said to have repeatedly refused to step down voluntarily despite being offered senior government positions. He finally tendered his resignation on September 16, citing insurmountable differences with the parliament majority on domestic issues and behind-the-scene intrigues. Torosian was seen as a relatively independent lawmaker, untainted by connections to oligarchs.\r\nNew speaker. Abrahamian has served in the government since 2000, recently heading the Ministry of Territorial Administration and Infrastructure, which carries out some of the functions performed elsewhere by the interior ministry. He managed the ruling Republican Party (HHK) campaign for the 2007 parliamentary elections and Sargsyan\'s campaign in February 2008, leading to suspicions about the use of \'administrative resources\'. Abrahamian\'s move to the highest parliamentary post was planned well in advance: he won a parliamentary by-election in August in a single-mandate constituency in Artashat, where his family owns several businesses. He also owns several residential buildings in the centre of Yerevan and property in the resort town of Tsakhkadzor.\r\nCommission of inquiry. The government has set up a parliamentary inquiry into the March 1-2 events. There are serious doubts about the credibility of the commission and its yet-to-be-published findings. The opposition has refused to take part, concerned lest participation would be used to legitimise pro-regime findings. Commission chairman Samvel Nikoyan, a senior HHK member, has criticised the police for not cooperating with and even hindering the probe. The chief of police publicly objected to suggestions that officers involved should be investigated and possibly prosecuted for the use of lethal force.\r\n\r\nForeign policy. The conflict in Georgia in August complicated the economic and political situation and exposed Armenia\'s relative isolation. Over 70% of Armenia\'s foreign trade is conducted via Georgia, and any disruption is very costly. Should the economy suffer, the government may become under additional pressure from the population. At the same time, the West\'s weak reaction demonstrated to the Armenian leadership that it may resort to increasingly open authoritarian measures without fear, as the West continues to focus on developments in Georgia.\r\n\r\nIn order to mitigate the fallout, Armenia embarked on an unprecedented course of improving relations with Turkey (see ARMENIA/TURKEY: Opportunity opens for rapprochement - September 9, 2008). The Russian-Georgian war shifted the political landscape in the Caucasus and is prompting Turkey, Armenia and Azerbaijan -- three countries with long-standing disputes -- to try to settle their differences. With Georgia\'s energy transit credentials threatened, Armenia is being considered more actively as an alternative energy route for Turkey, as well as for potentially bringing Iran\'s gas to Europe.\r\n\r\nThe leadership believes its \'policy of complementarity\' has paid off. Armenia will continue its strategic cooperation with Russia, \'good-neighbourly relations\' with Georgia, cooperation with the EU and partnership with the United States and NATO. The \'frozen conflict\' with Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh will continue. Armenia will block any change in the mediation format, preventing Turkey from acquiring a more important role.\r\n\r\nOutlook. Having weathered the worst wave of protests, the government now feels confident enough to appoint into the highest posts figures who clearly do not enjoy the confidence of the opposition. It continues to detain opposition supporters and keep close control of the media. At the same time, it has allowed some opposition rallies. These steps are designed to soften international criticism and preclude the country\'s political isolation. Throughout, the president has relied on Russia\'s support and CIS states\' silent acquiescence in its handling of the opposition.\r\n\r\nThe regime is now likely to continue consolidating its power, assisted by the opposition\'s loss of momentum and the relatively weak international reaction to the March crackdown. It has had ample time to correct some of its more authoritarian behaviour by releasing political prisoners. So far, it has chosen not to do so. Georgia has absorbed a large share of the limited diplomatic resources assigned to the region, and the government may have scored some foreign policy successes, such as normalising relations with Turkey.\r\n\r\nThe process may end with the return of Kocharian. In early September, rumours started circulating that the current government, which includes some members with no strong political affiliations (see ARMENIA: New government sets ambitious targets - May 6, 2008), may be a caretaker administration, to be replaced by a more strongly pro-HHK government headed by the former president. Kocharian recently said he had not decided to return to politics at this point, leaving open the possibility of deciding otherwise in the future.\r\n\r\nCONCLUSION: With the opposition losing momentum, the government looks stronger despite signs of internal incoherence and a lack of public support. It has not displayed the political will to implement the far-reaching reforms outlined in its programme.\r\n', '', 'filtered_html');
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('node', 'press_release', 0, 215, 264, 'und', 0, 'Monday, October 6 2008\r\n\r\nEVENT: The monitoring committee of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe considered developments in Armenia on October 3.\r\n\r\nSIGNIFICANCE: President Serzh Sargsyan has weathered the international and national storm triggered by the heavy-handed suppression of opposition protests following the February 2008 elections. The government is showing increasing confidence in making political appointments, which could eventually lead to the return of former President Robert Kocharian to power.\r\n\r\nANALYSIS: The February elections weakened the ruling regime, which is epitomised by the tandem of President Serzh Sargsyan and his predecessor Robert Kocharian. By September, it had to a large degree consolidated its power, though the violent suppression of opposition protests in March damaged Armenia\'s international image. The Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) issued a resolution blaming key state institutions for failing to comply with democratic standards, the rule of law and human rights. However, a subsequent PACE resolution was milder and postponed suspending Armenia\'s voting rights until January.\r\n\r\nOpposition momentum. The smooth transfer of power between Kocharian and Sargsyan, a former prime minister, was called into question when Levon Ter-Petrosian, the first president of independent Armenia, surprised the ruling elite with his decision to run for the presidency. In an election campaign marked by mutual accusations over past ills and the virtual absence of serious debate on the country\'s future, Ter-Petrosian managed to rally significant support from those discontented with persistent corruption, the tainted political process, inequitable economic transformation and government\'s lack of accountability and transparency. Following elections marked by numerous violations, the opposition organised ten days of protests; the degree of mobilisation surprised the ruling elite. This ended on March 1-2, when violent clashes between the police and thousands of supporters left at least ten dead. The government imposed a 20-day emergency, banned rallies and curtailed media freedoms (see ARMENIA: Regime will use force to retain power - March 27, 2008).\r\n\r\nSeveral hundred opposition supporters were detained, of whom 76 were still in detention at the end of September. The opposition was in effect denied the right of assembly until September 15, when the Yerevan mayor\'s office authorised a rally. In his address, Ter-Petrosian pointed to internal tensions within the coalition on policy towards Turkey and personnel changes. He also said that the Russian-Georgian war in August had shown that Armenia was as vulnerable as ever to external pressures. Yet the number attending the rally was lower than generally expected, suggesting that the opposition is losing momentum. It was also defeated in several districts in the September municipal elections.\r\n\r\nParliamentary leadership. On September 29, the National Assembly elected as speaker Hovik Abrahamian, the chief of the presidential staff and a close ally of Kocharian and Sargsyan. He replaced Tigran Torosian, parliamentary speaker since 2006:\r\n\r\nFormer speaker. Torosian had dismissed rumours of his replacement in recent months and was said to have repeatedly refused to step down voluntarily despite being offered senior government positions. He finally tendered his resignation on September 16, citing insurmountable differences with the parliament majority on domestic issues and behind-the-scene intrigues. Torosian was seen as a relatively independent lawmaker, untainted by connections to oligarchs.\r\nNew speaker. Abrahamian has served in the government since 2000, recently heading the Ministry of Territorial Administration and Infrastructure, which carries out some of the functions performed elsewhere by the interior ministry. He managed the ruling Republican Party (HHK) campaign for the 2007 parliamentary elections and Sargsyan\'s campaign in February 2008, leading to suspicions about the use of \'administrative resources\'. Abrahamian\'s move to the highest parliamentary post was planned well in advance: he won a parliamentary by-election in August in a single-mandate constituency in Artashat, where his family owns several businesses. He also owns several residential buildings in the centre of Yerevan and property in the resort town of Tsakhkadzor.\r\nCommission of inquiry. The government has set up a parliamentary inquiry into the March 1-2 events. There are serious doubts about the credibility of the commission and its yet-to-be-published findings. The opposition has refused to take part, concerned lest participation would be used to legitimise pro-regime findings. Commission chairman Samvel Nikoyan, a senior HHK member, has criticised the police for not cooperating with and even hindering the probe. The chief of police publicly objected to suggestions that officers involved should be investigated and possibly prosecuted for the use of lethal force.\r\n\r\nForeign policy. The conflict in Georgia in August complicated the economic and political situation and exposed Armenia\'s relative isolation. Over 70% of Armenia\'s foreign trade is conducted via Georgia, and any disruption is very costly. Should the economy suffer, the government may become under additional pressure from the population. At the same time, the West\'s weak reaction demonstrated to the Armenian leadership that it may resort to increasingly open authoritarian measures without fear, as the West continues to focus on developments in Georgia.\r\n\r\nIn order to mitigate the fallout, Armenia embarked on an unprecedented course of improving relations with Turkey (see ARMENIA/TURKEY: Opportunity opens for rapprochement - September 9, 2008). The Russian-Georgian war shifted the political landscape in the Caucasus and is prompting Turkey, Armenia and Azerbaijan -- three countries with long-standing disputes -- to try to settle their differences. With Georgia\'s energy transit credentials threatened, Armenia is being considered more actively as an alternative energy route for Turkey, as well as for potentially bringing Iran\'s gas to Europe.\r\n\r\nThe leadership believes its \'policy of complementarity\' has paid off. Armenia will continue its strategic cooperation with Russia, \'good-neighbourly relations\' with Georgia, cooperation with the EU and partnership with the United States and NATO. The \'frozen conflict\' with Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh will continue. Armenia will block any change in the mediation format, preventing Turkey from acquiring a more important role.\r\n\r\nOutlook. Having weathered the worst wave of protests, the government now feels confident enough to appoint into the highest posts figures who clearly do not enjoy the confidence of the opposition. It continues to detain opposition supporters and keep close control of the media. At the same time, it has allowed some opposition rallies. These steps are designed to soften international criticism and preclude the country\'s political isolation. Throughout, the president has relied on Russia\'s support and CIS states\' silent acquiescence in its handling of the opposition.\r\n\r\nThe regime is now likely to continue consolidating its power, assisted by the opposition\'s loss of momentum and the relatively weak international reaction to the March crackdown. It has had ample time to correct some of its more authoritarian behaviour by releasing political prisoners. So far, it has chosen not to do so. Georgia has absorbed a large share of the limited diplomatic resources assigned to the region, and the government may have scored some foreign policy successes, such as normalising relations with Turkey.\r\n\r\nThe process may end with the return of Kocharian. In early September, rumours started circulating that the current government, which includes some members with no strong political affiliations (see ARMENIA: New government sets ambitious targets - May 6, 2008), may be a caretaker administration, to be replaced by a more strongly pro-HHK government headed by the former president. Kocharian recently said he had not decided to return to politics at this point, leaving open the possibility of deciding otherwise in the future.\r\n\r\nCONCLUSION: With the opposition losing momentum, the government looks stronger despite signs of internal incoherence and a lack of public support. It has not displayed the political will to implement the far-reaching reforms outlined in its programme.\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 216, 263, 'und', 0, 'President Serzh Sarkisian pledged to take “drastic steps” to eradicate government corruption in Armenia as he presented his administration’s priorities to the National Assembly on Thursday. \r\n\r\nIn a 40-minute speech, Sarkisian said he will strive to turn Armenia into a rule-law country with a competitive economy, independent courts and equal opportunities for all citizens. He stressed the importance of public support for this endeavor but made no mention of the lingering political crisis triggered by last February’s disputed presidential election. His sole reference to the tense domestic political situation was an appeal to pro-government and opposition parties and media to stop offending each other in public. \r\n\r\nContrary to some expectations fuelled by his own loyalists, Sarkisian did not announce a general amnesty for dozens of supporters of opposition leader Levon Ter-Petrosian who were arrested in the wake of the vote and remain in prison. Nor did he comment on chances of a dialogue with the Armenian opposition. \r\n\r\nThe president instead told the mainly pro-government lawmakers to help him “build a society of resourceful and competitive individuals where there is no place for corruption, where corruption is simply not beneficial and illogical.” “The fight against corruption will change its face,” he said. “We will switch to tougher and more uncompromising methods and a system of international standards. \r\n\r\n“We will criminalize any manifestation of corruption. We will create a culture of absolute public intolerance towards corruption.” \r\n\r\n“The level of identifying and prosecuting abuse of power will rise irreversibly,” he said, promising high-profile prosecutions of corrupt officials.\r\n\r\nSarkisian admitted recently that the lack of such prosecutions undermined public trust in the Armenian government’s previous anti-graft campaigns that put the emphasis on legislative changes. \r\n\r\nSarkisian argued that the existence of an independent judiciary is also vital for strengthening the rule of law. “We must be able to put in place an independent judiciary based on the supremacy of law,” he said. \r\n\r\nThe pledge will ring hollow to opposition representatives and civil rights activists who have condemned as a travesty of justice the ongoing trials of opposition activists arrested in the wake of the presidential ballot. Virtually all of them have been found guilty by Armenian courts. \r\n\r\nEconomic development was another focus of the first presidential speech in the parliament, with Sarkisian promising to make the Armenian economy more competitive and ensure fair business competition. He said the economic situation in the country will also improve as a result of large-scale projects such as the construction of a gas pipeline from Iran and an Armenian-Iranian railway. He said that the government will also start constructing “in the coming months” a new nuclear plant in place of the aging Soviet-era facility at Metsamor.\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 217, 265, 'und', 0, 'Strasbourg, 02.10.2008 - The Monitoring Committee of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) has received the report from the Human Rights Commissioner regarding his visit to Yerevan from 13 to 15 July 2008 and is extremely alarmed about its findings and conclusions that show that only limited progress has been achieved regarding key demands of the Assembly. The committee therefore invited the Human Rights Commissioner to return to Yerevan and report back to the committee at its meeting in Paris on 17 December 2008.\r\n\r\n \r\n\r\nWhile noting the positive steps made regarding establishment of an independent and credible inquiry, the Monitoring Committee remains extremely concerned regarding persons deprived of their liberty in relation to the events on 1 and 2 March 2008.\r\n\r\n \r\n\r\nIn Resolution 1620 (2008), the Assembly made it clear that “the cases still under investigation should be closed or promptly brought before the courts”; “a verdict based solely on police testimony without corroborating evidence cannot be acceptable” and that “the cases under Articles 300 and 225 of the Criminal Code should be dropped unless there is strong evidence that the accused have personally committed acts of violence or ordered, abetted or assisted to commit them”.\r\n\r\n \r\n\r\nIn that respect, the committee took note that, while the investigations regarding persons in preventive detention have now closed, the cases against seven, all charged under articles 300 and 225, have not yet been brought before the courts as a result of the excessive length of the investigation. In addition, the committee is deeply concerned that the investigations regarding the responsibility for the ten deaths on 1 and 2 March have not yet been, or are not yet on the point of being, concluded.\r\n\r\n \r\n\r\nSerious questions remain regarding the nature of the charges brought against people arrested in relation to the events on 1 and 2 March, as well as regarding the court proceedings of several cases, including with regard to the principle of a fair trial. In addition, and contrary to Assembly demands, 19 persons have been convicted on the basis of police testimony only. The committee is therefore seriously concerned that people may have been detained, and even convicted, based on political beliefs and non-violent activities, which is unacceptable to the Assembly.\r\n\r\n \r\n\r\nThe committee regrets that the Armenian authorities did not consider the possibility of amnesty, pardons, or any other legal means available to them, to resolve the situation regarding persons deprived of their liberty in relation to the events on 1 and 2 March 2008. It strongly urges the authorities to consider such options, which would result in major progress towards meeting the requirements of the Assembly.\r\n\r\n \r\n\r\nThe committee noted the positive steps regarding the establishment of an independent and credible inquiry as outlined in the report by the Commissioner. The committee expresses its full support for the proposals made by the Commissioner. It welcomes the constructive dialogue between the Armenian authorities and Commissioner on this issue and hopes that the remaining outstanding issues will be resolved soon in order for the expert group to start and finalise its work as soon as possible.\r\n\r\n \r\n\r\nThe committee is of the view that Armenia is on a threshold regarding the implementation of Resolutions 1609 (2008) and 1620 (2008). Now is the time for the Armenian authorities to show the political will to resolve this problem. The committee places its full trust in, and gives its full support for the work of the Human Rights Commissioner in this respect. Therefore, it would invite the Commissioner to make a follow-up visit to Yerevan and to report back to the committee at its meeting on 17 December 2008 on the progress made regarding the independent and credible inquiry and release of persons deprived of their liberty in relation to the events on 1 and 2 March. In December, on the basis of that report, the committee will make its decision on the actions, and possible sanctions, it will recommend to the plenary of the Assembly in January 2009.\r\n\r\n \r\n\r\nParliamentary Assembly Communication Unit\r\n\r\nTel: +33 3 88 41 31 93\r\n\r\nFax : +33 3 90 21 41 34\r\n\r\npace.com@coe.int\r\n\r\nwww.coe.int/press\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 218, 266, 'und', 0, 'The Georgian-Russian conflict in early August brought negative economic and humanitarian consequences for the South Caucasus. Carefully built East-West transport and energy corridors have come under question. Recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia by Russia presents another diplomatic difficulty for the countries of the region.\r\n\r\nYet, in the aftermath of the conflict, Azerbaijan, Georgia’s neighbor and closest ally, finds itself in a unique position for an opportunity to advance relations with Russia. The ultimate prize would be the Kremlin’s support in the Karabakh conflict. There is no doubt in Baku, among both the public and politicians, that the key to the resolution of the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict lies in Moscow, as Russia was and remains Armenia’s closest military, political, and economic ally. Despite Azerbaijan’s persistent efforts to please Moscow and secure the return of the occupied territories, no success has been achieved yet.\r\n\r\nThe current situation, however, presents a rare moment of opportunity for Baku to make Russia an offer it cannot refuse. The ingredients for the grand bargain have been piling up steadily over the past year. Early in the summer, Russian President Medvedev, during a trip to Baku, offered to buy all of Azerbaijan’s gas at the world market price. The Kremlin is obviously not interested in having an alternative gas exporter in its borders. The purchase of Azerbaijani gas would not only enable Moscow to remain the main energy provider to EU but would also help Gazprom fulfill its contractual obligations.\r\n\r\nOn the other hand, the negative image that Russia created during the Georgian war is prompting Kremlin strategists to seek more cordial and friendly relations with another South Caucasus country, Azerbaijan, in order to demonstrate to the rest of the world that Russia is not a threat and aggressor to the former Soviet republics and does not intend to restore the Soviet Empire. Thus, Azerbaijan, with its pro-Western integration plans, presents the only chance for Russia to do this. Armenia is already heavily dependant on Russia, and Moscow does not consider it necessary to “win over” Yerevan.\r\n\r\nGentler and more pragmatic relations with Azerbaijan would not only help Russia repair its image abroad but would also derail Azerbaijan’s pro-NATO and pro-EU course. It is no coincidence that President Medvedev called his Azerbaijani counterpart Ilham Aliyev a few weeks ago to discuss bilateral relations. The latter also traveled to Moscow to meet both Medvedev and Prime Minister Putin to advance the interests of both countries in the region.\r\n\r\nFinally, speculation has arisen in Baku that Moscow is pushing Azerbaijan’s political leadership to open a transit corridor through its territory to Armenia. The Kremlin’s sole remaining partner in the South Caucasus is significantly suffering from the war in Georgia, as transport from Russia to Armenia remains clogged in the closed borders. Armenia also has closed borders with Azerbaijan and Turkey, thus putting its economy under a real threat. Under the grand bargain, Azerbaijan could play a transit role, allowing Russia to ship cargo through its territory to Armenia.\r\n\r\nIt seems that not only Russia understands the increased value of Azerbaijan. Geopolitical rivalry over this country has heated up in recent weeks, with U.S. Vice President Dick Cheney visiting Baku and making statements about the United States’ intention to remain an active player in the region. A look at the map of the South Caucasus shows that with Georgia falling out of the Russian orbit, Azerbaijan remains the last battlefield between the West and Russia.\r\n\r\nThe situation for the grand bargain seems ripe, especially considering the new dialogue between Turkey and Armenia and the general willingness among Armenian leaders to normalize relations with its neighbors. The traditional belief that Russia should do its best to preserve the conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia in order to keep its influence over them is not working any more. Russia will always be able to exert pressure and influence over these countries, long after the conflict is resolved. The resolution of the conflict, however, will bring a number of dividends to Russia, including a safer periphery and effective prevention of Radical Islam emerging in the region.\r\n\r\nCompromises on the issue of Karabakh and the restoration of the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan would pave the way for a much firmer and more solid partnership between Moscow and Baku. Moscow can and should push Armenia for more compromises on this issue in order to achieve a long-lasting peace. Otherwise, Azerbaijan, losing its hope to gain support from Kremlin, will continue to drift away toward the West.', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 219, 267, 'und', 0, 'The situation with government corruption in Armenia has continued to slowly but steadily deteriorate in the past year, according to the latest global survey released by a respected anti-graft watchdog on Tuesday. \r\n\r\nEvery year the Berlin-based Transparency International (TI) rates countries of the world on a 10-point scale, with zero indicating an extremely high degree of corruption as perceived by entrepreneurs and experts. \r\n\r\nArmenia, along with Argentina, Moldova and four other states, ranked 109th out of 180 nations covered by Transparency International’s 2008 Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI). It was assigned a score of 2.9, faring slightly worse than it did in the previous CPI released one year ago. \r\n\r\nArmenia’s score is based on seven corruption-related surveys conducted by other organizations, including the World Bank. It had already dropped by 0.1 point to 3.0 last year, dragging the country down to 99th place in TI’s 2007 rankings. \r\n\r\nBy contrast, TI found a further significant drop in perceived corruption in neighboring Georgia, giving the latter 3.9 points and putting it in 67th place. Georgia was 79th in last year’s CPI. \r\n\r\nAs always, the Armenian government and its supporters will draw comfort from the fact that all other non-Baltic former Soviet states were again judged to be more corrupt than Armenia. In particular, its arch-foe Azerbaijan regressed to 158th place in TI’s latest rankings. \r\n\r\nTI’s Armenian affiliate, the Center for Regional Development (CRD), portrayed the survey as a further indication of the “systemic” character of bribery and other corrupt practices that have long plagued the country. “Unfortunately, there are very few areas unaffected by corruption,” the CRD chairwoman, Amalia Kostanian, told a news conference. “If corruption is systemic, you can not eradicate it in one particular area.” \r\n\r\nThe administration of former President Robert Kocharian pledged to combat corruption throughout its decade-long rule that came to an end last spring. It launched in 2003 a Western-backed anti-corruption program consisting of mainly legislative measures. There is little evidence that they have reduced the scale of graft, however. \r\n\r\nKocharian’s successor and longtime close associate, Serzh Sarkisian, admitted in July that the virtual absence of prosecutions of corrupt government officials has undermined public trust in the declared crackdowns on corruption. “People must see that we are not only talking but also acting,” Sarkisian said in a speech. “If we talk about corruption all day long and don’t show persons engaged in it, then our actions will not only produce zero results but will further aggravate the situation.” \r\n\r\nHis prime minister, Tigran Sarkisian, (no relation) has been even more vocal in acknowledging the seriousness of the problem. Sarkisian has described graft as the number one problem facing Armenia. \r\n\r\nOpposition politicians and other government critics dismiss the significance of such statements, saying that corruption is one of the pillars of Armenia’s political system that has allowed Kocharian, Sarkisian and other top officials to stay in power. They also say that Armenian law-enforcement agencies are themselves too corrupt to tackle the problem in earnest.\r\n\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 219, 268, 'und', 0, 'The situation with government corruption in Armenia has continued to slowly but steadily deteriorate in the past year, according to the latest global survey released by a respected anti-graft watchdog on Tuesday. \r\n\r\nEvery year the Berlin-based Transparency International (TI) rates countries of the world on a 10-point scale, with zero indicating an extremely high degree of corruption as perceived by entrepreneurs and experts. \r\n\r\nArmenia, along with Argentina, Moldova and four other states, ranked 109th out of 180 nations covered by Transparency International’s 2008 Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI). It was assigned a score of 2.9, faring slightly worse than it did in the previous CPI released one year ago. \r\n\r\nArmenia’s score is based on seven corruption-related surveys conducted by other organizations, including the World Bank. It had already dropped by 0.1 point to 3.0 last year, dragging the country down to 99th place in TI’s 2007 rankings. \r\n\r\nBy contrast, TI found a further significant drop in perceived corruption in neighboring Georgia, giving the latter 3.9 points and putting it in 67th place. Georgia was 79th in last year’s CPI. \r\n\r\nAs always, the Armenian government and its supporters will draw comfort from the fact that all other non-Baltic former Soviet states were again judged to be more corrupt than Armenia. In particular, its arch-foe Azerbaijan regressed to 158th place in TI’s latest rankings. \r\n\r\nTI’s Armenian affiliate, the Center for Regional Development (CRD), portrayed the survey as a further indication of the “systemic” character of bribery and other corrupt practices that have long plagued the country. “Unfortunately, there are very few areas unaffected by corruption,” the CRD chairwoman, Amalia Kostanian, told a news conference. “If corruption is systemic, you can not eradicate it in one particular area.” \r\n\r\nThe administration of former President Robert Kocharian pledged to combat corruption throughout its decade-long rule that came to an end last spring. It launched in 2003 a Western-backed anti-corruption program consisting of mainly legislative measures. There is little evidence that they have reduced the scale of graft, however. \r\n\r\nKocharian’s successor and longtime close associate, Serzh Sarkisian, admitted in July that the virtual absence of prosecutions of corrupt government officials has undermined public trust in the declared crackdowns on corruption. “People must see that we are not only talking but also acting,” Sarkisian said in a speech. “If we talk about corruption all day long and don’t show persons engaged in it, then our actions will not only produce zero results but will further aggravate the situation.” \r\n\r\nHis prime minister, Tigran Sarkisian, (no relation) has been even more vocal in acknowledging the seriousness of the problem. Sarkisian has described graft as the number one problem facing Armenia. \r\n\r\nOpposition politicians and other government critics dismiss the significance of such statements, saying that corruption is one of the pillars of Armenia’s political system that has allowed Kocharian, Sarkisian and other top officials to stay in power. They also say that Armenian law-enforcement agencies are themselves too corrupt to tackle the problem in earnest.\r\n\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 220, 269, 'und', 0, 'EVENT: At Armenia\'s invitation, Turkish President Abdullah Gul attended an Armenian-Turkish football match in Yerevan on September 6.\r\n\r\nSIGNIFICANCE: The first visit by Turkey\'s highest official to Armenia is a clear step in a process that could eventually lead to establishing diplomatic relations and opening borders. This would signify a major geopolitical shift, whose importance goes beyond the South Caucasus.\r\n\r\nANALYSIS: Armenia\'s invitation to Turkish President Abdullah Gul -- and even more surprising, his acceptance -- came at a time when the balance of power in the wider region around the South Caucasus is shifting and a window of opportunity is opening that may allow the Armenian and Turkish leaderships to break with a difficult past.\r\n\r\nBoth parties are now more likely to seek compromise, albeit for different reasons:\r\n\r\nArmenia. The Armenian leadership is under strong internal and external pressures:\r\n\r\nRecalcitrant opposition. The government is still seeking an exit from the impasse following the disputed presidential election and violent clashes with demonstrators that left at least ten dead. The opposition, led by the first president of independent Armenia, Levon Ter-Petrosian, will only talk to the government if it releases more than 70 people detained after March 1. So far, there are no signs of compromise.\r\nEconomic reform. The ruling Republican Party and its coalition partners -- the Armenian Revolutionary Federation Dashnaktsutiun (HHD), Rule of Law and Prosperous Armenia -- have pledged reforms to sustain rapid economic growth. However, Armenian society is deeply polarised over whether the pledges are genuine or only window dressing to take the heat out of the stand-off with the opposition and win the support of ordinary Armenians.\r\nGeorgia crisis. The Russian-Georgian conflict put the Armenian government under additional pressure. Over 70% of Armenian trade passes through Georgia, which is Armenia\'s single most important trade outlet; Armenia cannot afford to alienate it. The economy suffered disruptions in rail and ferry traffic from the fighting, which according to one official estimate cost Armenia 680 million dollars, one-quarter of the 2008 state budget.\r\nShould the situation in Georgia not be conducive to trade and transport across its territory, Armenia\'s sustained economic growth would not materialise. This could lead to popular discontent allowing the opposition to claim power. To prevent this, the Armenian government is seeking to diversify its trade routes:\r\n\r\nIran. Armenia is fostering economic links with Iran, having built a gas pipeline whose capacity is to be enhanced so that it may import 2.0-2.5 billion cubic metres of Iranian gas annually, equalling Armenia\'s imports of Russian gas.\r\nTurkey. It may now be ready to take serious steps towards a rapprochement with Turkey. Ultimately, this would culminate in the establishment of full diplomatic relations, paving the way for reopening the border to trade. Armenia wants to relaunch the Giumri-Kars rail link connecting western Armenia with Turkey.\r\nOverall, Armenia will continue its foreign policy of \'complementarity\', seeking friendly relations with both Russia and the West, but this is a facade covering increasing dependence on Russia:\r\n\r\nRussia. The recent crisis strained Armenia\'s difficult balancing act. A close ally of Russia, it has ruled out formal recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, while supporting their right to self-determination. The military alliance with Russia remains the backbone of Armenia\'s defence doctrine.\r\nDiaspora. Among Armenians in Armenia, there is a strong feeling that opening the border with Turkey is more important than Ankara\'s recognition of Ottoman genocide (see ARMENIA/TURKEY: Genocide claims keep relations stalled - May 10, 2006). The HHD is the only political force set on recognition as a precondition to restoring relations with Turkey. The strongest political force in the diaspora, the HHD is relatively weak in Armenia itself, winning only 6% in the last elections. Although the relationship with the diaspora is important to the regime, the combination of unprecedented internal and external pressures on the Armenian leadership may induce it to take bold steps that it would not have been ready for in a less charged situation.\r\nTurkey. After the Justice and Development Party (AKP) came to power in 2002, Ankara re-evaluated its foreign policy, hitherto strongly focused on the EU and United States. It started to give more prominence to relations with its neighbours and positioning itself as a regional power with multiple identities -- a Muslim-majority, secular and increasingly democratic nation:\r\n\r\nNeighbours. It has improved diplomatic relations with several neighbours -- most notably Syria, Georgia, Bulgaria and Iran -- increasing its trade with them from 6% of total foreign turnover by volume in 2000 to 35% in 2007.\r\nIranian gas. The government has signed an agreement with Iran to transport Iranian natural gas to Turkey and Europe, and develop the Iranian natural gas industry by investing 3.5 billion dollars in the South Pars field.\r\nAnkara increasingly realises that closing the border with Armenia in 1993 during the Armenian-Azerbaijani war over Nagorno-Karabakh is not now to its benefit, but changing its policy requires sensitive handling:\r\n\r\nSouth-eastern stability. War in Iraq has highlighted the need for Turkey to stabilise its Kurdish south-east. Border closures have deprived the area of economic development opportunities vital for a solution to the Kurdish problem.\r\nEU conditionality. Since the EU has made improving relations with Armenia a key condition for accession, the government fears that any concessions may make the AKP vulnerable to opposition charges that the government is \'selling out\'.\r\nNew Armenian leadership. Robert Kocharian\'s handover of power to Serzh Sargsyan has opened up new possibilities.\r\nChanging public mood. The public reaction to the January 2007 assassination of prominent ethnic Armenian journalist and writer Hrant Dink revealed that Turkish society was more ready for a rapprochement with Armenia than expected.\r\nAKP strength. AKP\'s electoral success in July 2007, when it was re-elected with 47% of the vote, has given it more room for manoeuvre. Ankara can justify its gradual change of position on Armenia internally by pointing to successes in relations with other neighbours. Improving relations with Armenia would be the logical continuation of that policy of constructive engagement and strengthening its role as a regional power.\r\nRegional player. Following the Russian-Georgian war, Turkey unveiled plans for a regional stability pact, encompassing Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Russia and Turkey (see TURKEY/CAUCASUS: Ankara seeks regional stability pact - September 4, 2008). The plan may not come to fruition, but it shows Turkey becoming a regional player, seizing the initiative from the United States and possibly Russia too.\r\nRussian position. Moscow may welcome improved relations between Armenia and Turkey. Russia owns most of Armenia\'s energy and communications infrastructure, including its railway. It is interested in using Armenia as a platform to engage with Turkey economically, which would in turn weaken US influence over Turkey. If Armenia became stronger economically, it could free Russia to meddle in Georgia.\r\n\r\nCONCLUSION: How far Armenia and Turkey are ready to go in their search for compromise is unclear. Armenia could drop its demand that Turkey recognise the deaths of Armenians in the First World War as genocide and accept an official apology. Turkey could drop its demand that Armenia normalise relations with Azerbaijan as a precondition for establishing full diplomatic relations. Certainly, Gul\'s Armenian trip implies a shift in Turkey\'s relations with Azerbaijan.\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 221, 270, 'und', 0, 'He began by saying, \"Yesterday was a very important and historic day for us.\" At some point in his speech he said: \"Half the journey is taking the first step. The presidents have come half way. Having reached the half-way point they instructed their ministers to accomplish the rest of the journey.\" Armenian\'s Foreign Minister Edvard Nalbantyan invited us to lunch. In the Foreign Ministry, one of the splendid buildings surrounding Republic Square in Yerevan, we sat in his office and talked about Abdullah Gul\'s \"historic visit\" and we lunched together. Sitting at the table and translating for us was Arsen Avakyan, who had translated for Gul and Sarkisyan during their meeting. By us I mean myself, Hasan Cemal, Ali Bayramoglu and Mustafa Karaalioglu. Also at this desk-cum-dining-table sat Ministry Spokesman Tigran Balayan and Armenia\'s representative for the KEIB [Black Sea Economic Cooperation Union] in Istanbul. In order to emphasize just how seriously Turkish-Armenian relations were normalizing Nalbantyan said time and time again that both presidents had \"the will\" to do this and that this \"will\" would with Foreign Minister Ali Babacan\'s resolve speed itself along. Another two stopping points on this \"road\" are \"the establishment of diplomatic relations between Turkey and Armenia\" and \"the opening of borders.\" Neither of these points can exist without the other.\r\n\r\n\r\nWe witnessed just how seriously this business was being treated. After our soccer team beat the Armenian team 2-0 we went up to the highest part of the spectators\' box. We joined a small party held in the back in honour of Abdullah Gul and the Turkish delegation. Suddenly before us appeared Armenia\'s President Serj Sarkisyan and our President Abdullah Gul. Abdullah Gul introduced each one of us in turn. Sarksiyan launched into the subject right away. The final score was not important for him. The event was a means of \"rapprochement.\" His mood was one of a relived childhood. He said he would be coming to Turkey on 14 October, not neglecting to add laughingly, \"But not for a grudge match.\" Nalbantyan told us at yesterday\'s lunch that the visit would be on the date on which another Turkish-Armenian soccer match would be played, and would be just as \"historic.\" Both countries\' foreign ministers have immediately started work on what needs to be done between \"Historic Saturday\" in Yerevan and 14 October in order to \"complete the other half of the journey.\" After the party Gul and Sarkisyan left the Hrazdan stadium for Gul\'s trip back to Turkey. Sarkisyan\'s senior adviser, who was at these high level talks, was left to take us back to our hotel. He gave us a lift in his car. On the way he said that \"both presidents had agreed to the principles and that both ministers would begin working to bring those principles to life and to provide logistics.\" We arrived at the hotel and set up \"our HQ\" in the cafe in front. We chatted about the historic day and the soccer match. At 0215 [local] Ali Babacan and his entourage left the Foreign Ministry building directly opposite us. Nalbantyan told us yesterday what happened that evening after the match: \"After the match Babacan and I spoke for two-and-a-half hours. We are going to meet up again in New York in two weeks\' time. After that there will be no more pauses. To date there have been too many halts and at each one we have waited a long time. That is not going to be the case from now on. In the days ahead we are going to talk about concrete stuff now. Armenia has the intention and the desire for this. We saw that same intention on the part of Turkey. There are no countries in the world that have closed borders while having diplomatic relations.\" You can find in Nalbantyan\'s words an indicator of the rapprochement created between Turkey and Armenia. We also spoke about the Turkish initiative: Caucasus Stability and Cooperation Platform. Armenia accepts this 100 per cent and considers it important. Although nobody wants to make any promises or take responsibility it would not come as a surprise, looking at the mood in Yerevan, to hear that diplomatic relations between Turkey and Armenia have been resumed and that the borders have been opened before 14 October. However, in the spirit of \"once bitten twice shy\" we still have reservations: we shall believe it when we see it.\r\n\r\nHaving arrived in Yerevan before Abdullah Gul and stayed after he returned we were in a position to measure the outcome of this \"soccer diplomacy\" and the climate both before and after this \"historic\" visit. We can say that the silent protests along Gul\'s trip from the airport to the city, the Dashnak placards that were opened and immediately closed again during the soccer match plus the whistles that were heard when our national anthem was played are too insignificant to overshadow the \"spring climate\" that has been created between Turkey and Armenia as fall sets in. One Dashnak official wanting to stress that they were not opposed to Abdullah Gul\'s visit said not to take the protests too seriously adding in a semi-jokingly fashion, \"Had we not done that much we may just as well have dissolved our Dashnak Party.\" Like I said before, this \"first\" visit by Abdullah Gul needs to create concrete results that really can be considered \"historic.\" This means establishing diplomatic relations between Turkey and Armenia and opening the borders. Edvard Nalbantyan told us yesterday, \"We are half way there.\" The rest of the journey has already begun as of yesterday and in a mood of optimism.\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'profile', 0, 223, 276, 'und', 0, 'Evelina Beknazaryan interned with PFA in summer 2011 through Terjenian-Thomas Assembly Internship Program. While at PFA, Evelina concentrated on research for a paper on Corruption and Governance problems in Armenia. Evelina’s research involved collecting and cataloguing data, including reports, cross country studies, surveys on current level of corruption and governance problems in Armenia and factors underlying these problems. Evelina also worked on the trend analysis of the data concerning basic biographical information of RA Parliament Members.  Evelina graduated from American University of Armenia with an MBA degree, majoring in Finance and Accounting, in 2011. Evelina resides in Yerevan, Armenia and currently works at the Grants Section of US Embassy in Yerevan. ', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'profile', 0, 225, 314, 'und', 0, 'Garo Yegnukian is the CEO and Corporate Counsel of Yegnukian Realty Corp. - a real estate development and management company and was past President of Erebuni Corp. - an automotive parts and accessories manufacturing and marketing company.  He holds a B.A. in Business Administration and Marketing from Pace University, New York and a J.D. - Juris Doctor of Law from St. John\'s Law School, New York.  Born in Armenia to repatriate parents from Bulgaria, emigrated to US in 1973 and repatriated back to Armenia in 2009.  Had a life long interest and activism for the Independence of Armenia.  Present interest is in Human Rights, Civil Society, International Relations and Politics of Armenia.', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 226, 315, 'und', 0, '<p>On January 27, 2012, PFA Senior Fellow Garo Yegnukian spoke about corruption and its impact on investment climate in Armenia at a seminar organized by the Armenian community of New Jersey. The event that drew over 300 participants was co-sponsored&mdash;in addition to Policy Forum Armenia&mdash;by the Armenian Engineers and Scientists Association (AESA) NY/NJ, Armenian Human Rights Advocates, Armenian National Committee (ANC) of New Jersey, Armenian Society of Columbia University, Knights of Vartan, New York Armenian Students Association (ASA), Rutgers Armenian Club, Tekeyan Cultural Foundation, and Tufenkian Foundation.</p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 226, 316, 'und', 0, '<p>On January 27, 2012, PFA Senior Fellow Garo Yegnukian spoke about corruption and its impact on investment climate in Armenia at a seminar organized by the Armenian community of New Jersey. The event that drew over 300 participants was co-sponsored&mdash;in addition to Policy Forum Armenia&mdash;by the Armenian Engineers and Scientists Association (AESA) NY/NJ, Armenian Human Rights Advocates, Armenian National Committee (ANC) of New Jersey, Armenian Society of Columbia University, Knights of Vartan, New York Armenian Students Association (ASA), Rutgers Armenian Club, Tekeyan Cultural Foundation, and Tufenkian Foundation.<img alt=\"\" src=\"http://www.pf-armenia.org/typo3temp/pics/a304c37d68.jpg\" style=\"width: 461px; height: 600px; \" /></p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 226, 318, 'und', 0, '<p>On January 27, 2012, PFA Senior Fellow Garo Yegnukian spoke about corruption and its impact on investment climate in Armenia at a seminar organized by the Armenian community of New Jersey. The event that drew over 300 participants was co-sponsored&mdash;in addition to Policy Forum Armenia&mdash;by the Armenian Engineers and Scientists Association (AESA) NY/NJ, Armenian Human Rights Advocates, Armenian National Committee (ANC) of New Jersey, Armenian Society of Columbia University, Knights of Vartan, New York Armenian Students Association (ASA), Rutgers Armenian Club, Tekeyan Cultural Foundation, and Tufenkian Foundation.<img alt=\"\" src=\"http://www.pf-armenia.org/typo3temp/pics/a304c37d68.jpg\" style=\"width: 461px; height: 600px; \" /></p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 226, 980, 'und', 0, '<p>On January 27, 2012, PFA Senior Fellow, Garo Yegnukian, spoke about corruption and its impact on investment climate in Armenia at a seminar organized by the Armenian community of New Jersey. The event that drew over 300 participants was co-sponsored&mdash;in addition to Policy Forum Armenia&mdash;by the Armenian Engineers and Scientists Association (AESA) NY/NJ, Armenian Human Rights Advocates, Armenian National Committee (ANC) of New Jersey, Armenian Society of Columbia University, Knights of Vartan, New York Armenian Students Association (ASA), Rutgers Armenian Club, Tekeyan Cultural Foundation, and Tufenkian Foundation.</p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 228, 319, 'und', 0, '<p>On November 29, 2011, PFA&rsquo;s co-founder David Grigorian spoke at a two-day conference entitled &quot;The South Caucasus 20 Years After Independence&quot;, sponsored by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and Open Society Foundation. The participants&mdash;close to two dozen of non-governmental experts, academics, journalists, and civil society activists&mdash;examined the lessons learned from twenty years of independence in Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia and offered some predictions for the region&rsquo;s future. A summary of Dr. Grigorian&#39;s comments can be found on PFA Blog.</p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 228, 321, 'und', 0, '<p>On November 29, 2011, PFA&rsquo;s co-founder David Grigorian spoke at a two-day conference entitled &quot;The South Caucasus 20 Years After Independence&quot;, sponsored by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and Open Society Foundation. The participants&mdash;close to two dozen of non-governmental experts, academics, journalists, and civil society activists&mdash;examined the lessons learned from twenty years of independence in Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia and offered some predictions for the region&rsquo;s future. A summary of Dr. Grigorian&#39;s comments can be found on <a href=\"http://pfa-dr.ectostarpark.com/blogs\">PFA Blog</a>.</p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 228, 322, 'und', 0, '<p>On November 29, 2011, PFA&rsquo;s co-founder David Grigorian spoke at a two-day conference entitled &quot;The South Caucasus 20 Years After Independence&quot;, sponsored by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and Open Society Foundation. The participants&mdash;close to two dozen of non-governmental experts, academics, journalists, and civil society activists&mdash;examined the lessons learned from twenty years of independence in Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia and offered some predictions for the region&rsquo;s future. A summary of Dr. Grigorian&#39;s comments can be found on <a href=\"http://pfa-dr.ectostarpark.com/blogs\">PFA Blog</a>.</p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 228, 323, 'und', 0, '<p>On November 29, 2011, PFA&rsquo;s co-founder David Grigorian spoke at a two-day conference entitled &quot;The South Caucasus 20 Years After Independence&quot;, sponsored by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and Open Society Foundation. The participants&mdash;close to two dozen of non-governmental experts, academics, journalists, and civil society activists&mdash;examined the lessons learned from twenty years of independence in Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia and offered some predictions for the region&rsquo;s future. A summary of Dr. Grigorian&#39;s comments can be found on <a href=\"http://pfa-dr.ectostarpark.com/blogs\">PFA Blog</a>.</p><p><img alt=\"\" src=\"http://www.pf-armenia.org/uploads/pics/Econ_Panel_2_sm.jpg\" style=\"width: 500px; height: 335px; \" /></p>', '', 'full_html');
INSERT INTO `field_revision_body` (`entity_type`, `bundle`, `deleted`, `entity_id`, `revision_id`, `language`, `delta`, `body_value`, `body_summary`, `body_format`) VALUES
('node', 'press_release', 0, 228, 470, 'und', 0, '<p>On November 29, 2011, PFA&rsquo;s co-founder David Grigorian spoke at a two-day conference entitled &quot;The South Caucasus 20 Years After Independence&quot;, sponsored by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and Open Society Foundation. The participants&mdash;close to two dozen of non-governmental experts, academics, journalists, and civil society activists&mdash;examined the lessons learned from twenty years of independence in Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia and offered some predictions for the region&rsquo;s future. A summary of Dr. Grigorian&#39;s comments can be found on <a href=\"http://pfarmenia.wordpress.com/2012/01/25/armenias-economy-since-independence/\">PFA Blog</a>.</p><p><img alt=\"\" src=\"http://www.pf-armenia.org/uploads/pics/Econ_Panel_2_sm.jpg\" style=\"width: 500px; height: 335px; \" /></p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 228, 475, 'und', 0, '<p>On November 29, 2011, PFA&rsquo;s co-founder David Grigorian spoke at a two-day conference entitled &quot;The South Caucasus 20 Years After Independence&quot;, sponsored by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and Open Society Foundation. The participants&mdash;close to two dozen of non-governmental experts, academics, journalists, and civil society activists&mdash;examined the lessons learned from twenty years of independence in Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia and offered some predictions for the region&rsquo;s future. A summary of Dr. Grigorian&#39;s comments can be found on <a href=\"http://pfarmenia.wordpress.com/2012/01/25/armenias-economy-since-independence/\">PFA Blog</a>.</p><p><img alt=\"\" src=\"http://www.pf-armenia.org/uploads/pics/Econ_Panel_2_sm.jpg\" style=\"width: 500px; height: 335px; \" /></p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 228, 831, 'und', 0, '<p>On November 29, 2011, PFA&rsquo;s co-founder David Grigorian spoke at a two-day conference entitled &quot;The South Caucasus 20 Years After Independence&quot;, sponsored by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and Open Society Foundation. The participants&mdash;close to two dozen of non-governmental experts, academics, journalists, and civil society activists&mdash;examined the lessons learned from twenty years of independence in Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia and offered some predictions for the region&rsquo;s future. A summary of Dr. Grigorian&#39;s comments can be found on <strong><a href=\"http://pfarmenia.wordpress.com/2012/01/25/armenias-economy-since-independence/\">PFA Blog</a></strong>.</p><p><img alt=\"\" src=\"http://www.pf-armenia.org/uploads/pics/Econ_Panel_2_sm.jpg\" style=\"width: 500px; height: 335px; \" /></p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 228, 832, 'und', 0, '<p>On November 29, 2011, PFA&rsquo;s co-founder David Grigorian spoke at a two-day conference entitled &quot;The South Caucasus 20 Years After Independence&quot;, sponsored by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and Open Society Foundation. The participants&mdash;close to two dozen of non-governmental experts, academics, journalists, and civil society activists&mdash;examined the lessons learned from twenty years of independence in Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia and offered some predictions for the region&rsquo;s future. A summary of Dr. Grigorian&#39;s comments can be found on <strong><a href=\"http://pfarmenia.wordpress.com/2012/01/25/armenias-economy-since-independence/\">PFA Blog</a></strong>.</p><p style=\"text-align: center;\"><img alt=\"\" src=\"http://www.pf-armenia.org/uploads/pics/Econ_Panel_2_sm.jpg\" style=\"width: 500px; height: 335px; \" /></p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 228, 1006, 'und', 0, '<p>On November 29, 2011, PFA&rsquo;s co-founder David Grigorian spoke at a two-day conference entitled &quot;The South Caucasus 20 Years After Independence&quot;, sponsored by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and Open Society Foundation. The participants&mdash;close to two dozen of non-governmental experts, academics, journalists, and civil society activists&mdash;examined the lessons learned from twenty years of independence in Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia and offered some predictions for the region&rsquo;s future. A summary of Dr. Grigorian&#39;s comments can be found on <strong><a href=\"http://pfarmenia.wordpress.com/2012/01/25/armenias-economy-since-independence/\">PFA Blog</a></strong>.</p><p style=\"text-align: center;\">&nbsp;</p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 228, 1071, 'und', 0, '<p>On November 29, 2011, PFA&rsquo;s co-founder, Dr. David Grigorian, spoke at a two-day conference entitled <em>The South Caucasus 20 Years After Independence</em>&nbsp;sponsored by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and the Open Society Foundation. The speakers at the 2-day event&mdash;experts, academics, journalists, and civil society activists&mdash;examined the lessons learned from twenty years of independence in Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia and offered some predictions for the region&rsquo;s future. A summary of Dr. Grigorian&#39;s comments can be found on <strong><a href=\"http://pfarmenia.wordpress.com/2012/01/25/armenias-economy-since-independence/\">PFA Blog</a></strong>.</p><p style=\"text-align: center;\">&nbsp;</p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 228, 1072, 'und', 0, '<p>On November 29, 2011, PFA&rsquo;s co-founder, Dr. David Grigorian, spoke at a two-day conference entitled <em>The South Caucasus 20 Years After Independence</em>&nbsp;sponsored by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and the Open Society Foundation. The speakers at the 2-day event&mdash;experts, academics, journalists, and civil society activists&mdash;examined the lessons learned from twenty years of independence in Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia and offered some predictions for the region&rsquo;s future. A summary of Dr. Grigorian&#39;s comments can be found on <strong><a href=\"http://pfarmenia.wordpress.com/2012/01/25/armenias-economy-since-independence/\">PFA Blog</a></strong>.</p><p style=\"text-align: center;\">&nbsp;</p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 228, 1073, 'und', 0, '<p>On November 29, 2011, PFA&rsquo;s co-founder, Dr. David Grigorian, spoke at a two-day conference entitled <em>The South Caucasus 20 Years After Independence</em>&nbsp;sponsored by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and the Open Society Foundation. The speakers at the 2-day event&mdash;experts, academics, journalists, and civil society activists&mdash;examined the lessons learned from twenty years of independence in Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia and offered some predictions for the region&rsquo;s future. A summary of Dr. Grigorian&#39;s comments can be found on <strong><a href=\"http://pfarmenia.wordpress.com/2012/01/25/armenias-economy-since-independence/\">PFA Blog</a></strong>.</p><p style=\"text-align: center;\">&nbsp;</p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 230, 324, 'und', 0, '<p>On October 9, 2011, PFA co-founder, Vladimir Shekoyan, spoke at a conference on &ldquo;Artsakh in Today&rsquo;s World&rdquo; organized by the Artsakh Development Group, a Los-Angeles-based non-profit. The event, held at the Glendale Public Library, hosted three panels: History and Politics, Economy, and Culture.</p><p><img alt=\"jhgjhgjhg\" src=\"http://www.pf-armenia.org/typo3temp/pics/271433ba3a.jpg\" style=\"width: 400px; height: 600px; \" /></p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 230, 325, 'und', 0, '<p>On October 9, 2011, PFA co-founder, Vladimir Shekoyan, spoke at a conference on &ldquo;Artsakh in Today&rsquo;s World&rdquo; organized by the Artsakh Development Group, a Los-Angeles-based non-profit. The event, held at the Glendale Public Library, hosted three panels: History and Politics, Economy, and Culture.</p><p><img alt=\"\" src=\"http://www.pf-armenia.org/typo3temp/pics/271433ba3a.jpg\" style=\"width: 400px; height: 600px; \" /></p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 230, 471, 'und', 0, '<p>On October 9, 2011, PFA co-founder, Vladimir Shekoyan, spoke at a conference on &ldquo;Artsakh in Today&rsquo;s World&rdquo; organized by the Artsakh Development Group, a Los-Angeles-based non-profit. The <img alt=\"\" src=\"file://localhost/Users/rafihovsepian/Desktop/271433ba3a.jpg\" />event, held at the Glendale Public Library, hosted three panels: History and Politics, Economy, and Culture.</p><p>file://localhost/Users/rafihovsepian/Desktop/271433ba3a.jpg<img alt=\"\" src=\"file://localhost/Users/rafihovsepian/Desktop/271433ba3a.jpg\" /></p><p>&nbsp;</p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 230, 472, 'und', 0, '<p>On October 9, 2011, PFA co-founder, Vladimir Shekoyan, spoke at a conference on &ldquo;Artsakh in Today&rsquo;s World&rdquo; organized by the Artsakh Development Group, a Los-Angeles-based non-profit. The <img alt=\"\" src=\"file://localhost/Users/rafihovsepian/Desktop/271433ba3a.jpg\" />event, held at the Glendale Public Library, hosted three panels: History and Politics, Economy, and Culture.</p><p>&nbsp;</p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 230, 473, 'und', 0, '<p>On October 9, 2011, PFA co-founder, Vladimir Shekoyan, spoke at a conference on &ldquo;Artsakh in Today&rsquo;s World&rdquo; organized by the Artsakh Development Group, a Los-Angeles-based non-profit. The <img alt=\"\" src=\"file://localhost/Users/rafihovsepian/Desktop/271433ba3a.jpg\" />event, held at the Glendale Public Library, hosted three panels: History and Politics, Economy, and Culture.</p><p>&nbsp;</p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 230, 501, 'und', 0, '<p>On October 9, 2011, PFA co-founder, Vladimir Shekoyan, spoke at a conference on &ldquo;Artsakh in Today&rsquo;s World&rdquo; organized by the Artsakh Development Group, a Los-Angeles-based non-profit. The <img alt=\"\" src=\"file://localhost/Users/rafihovsepian/Desktop/271433ba3a.jpg\" />event, held at the Glendale Public Library, hosted three panels: History and Politics, Economy, and Culture.</p><p>&nbsp;</p><div><div>file://localhost/Users/rafihovsepian/Desktop/271433ba3a.jpg</div></div>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 230, 502, 'und', 0, '<p>On October 9, 2011, PFA co-founder, Vladimir Shekoyan, spoke at a conference on &ldquo;Artsakh in Today&rsquo;s World&rdquo; organized by the Artsakh Development Group, a Los-Angeles-based non-profit. The <img alt=\"\" src=\"file://localhost/Users/rafihovsepian/Desktop/271433ba3a.jpg\" />event, held at the Glendale Public Library, hosted three panels: History and Politics, Economy, and Culture.</p><p>&nbsp;</p><div><div><img alt=\"\" src=\"file://localhost/Users/rafihovsepian/Desktop/271433ba3a.jpg\" /></div></div>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 230, 799, 'und', 0, '<p>On October 9, 2011, PFA co-founder, Vladimir Shekoyan, spoke at a conference on &ldquo;Artsakh in Today&rsquo;s World&rdquo; organized by the Artsakh Development Group, a Los-Angeles-based non-profit. The <img alt=\"\" src=\"file://localhost/Users/rafihovsepian/Desktop/271433ba3a.jpg\" />event, held at the Glendale Public Library, hosted three panels: History and Politics, Economy, and Culture.</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>&nbsp;</p><div><div><img alt=\"\" src=\"file://localhost/Users/rafihovsepian/Desktop/271433ba3a.jpg\" /></div></div>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 230, 1066, 'und', 0, '<p>On October 9, 2011, PFA co-founder, Vladimir Shekoyan, spoke at a conference on &ldquo;Artsakh in Today&rsquo;s World&rdquo; organized by the Artsakh Development Group, a Los-Angeles-based non-profit. The <img alt=\"\" src=\"file://localhost/Users/rafihovsepian/Desktop/271433ba3a.jpg\" />event, held at the Glendale Public Library and hosted three panels on History and Politics, Economy, and Culture.</p><p>Below is the summary of Mr. Shekoyan&#39;s speech titled&nbsp;<strong>Economic Prosperity as&nbsp;Cornerstone of&nbsp;Independent Artsakh.</strong></p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>During the last 20 years Kharabagh was able to create an economy that&nbsp;for better or worse&nbsp;is able to meet basic needs of its population. As such, today, the major parts of Artsak&rsquo;s economy are agriculture, construction, mining industry, and to lesser extend light industry and energy generation.</p><p>According to the data published by the&nbsp;State Statistical Committee, during the first&nbsp;9 months of 2011, Artsak&rsquo;s total industrial output was equal to more than $80 million, out of which 46 percent was attributed to mining.&nbsp;During the second quarter of 2011, Artsakh&rsquo;s per capita GDP grew to more than $1,000, a relatively modest number&nbsp;for today&rsquo;s world.</p><p>GOING FORWARD</p><p>- One of the most important issues that needs to be addressed is the Governance Issue.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</p><p>- Government Involvement</p><p>-&nbsp;Support to businesses</p><p>- Developing and preserving Human capital</p><p>- Inflow and outflow of capital</p><p>- Work force development</p><p>- Creating more jobs</p><p>- Creating conditions to attract new and/or foreign investments working through Armenian Diaspora</p><p>- Preferential tax treatment for new investments</p><p>- Promoting direct economic and trade linkages with outside world</p><p>- Monetary and fiscal policy&nbsp;</p><p>- Transportation problems.</p><div><div><img alt=\"\" src=\"file://localhost/Users/rafihovsepian/Desktop/271433ba3a.jpg\" /></div></div>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 230, 1067, 'und', 0, '<p>On October 9, 2011, PFA co-founder, Vladimir Shekoyan, spoke at a conference on &ldquo;Artsakh in Today&rsquo;s World&rdquo; organized by the Artsakh Development Group, a Los-Angeles-based non-profit. The <img alt=\"\" src=\"file://localhost/Users/rafihovsepian/Desktop/271433ba3a.jpg\" />event, held at the Glendale Public Library and hosted three panels on History and Politics, Economy, and Culture.</p><p>Below is the summary of Mr. Shekoyan&#39;s speech titled&nbsp;<strong>Economic Prosperity as&nbsp;Cornerstone of&nbsp;Independent Artsakh.</strong></p><p>During the last 20 years Kharabagh was able to create an economy that&nbsp;for better or worse&nbsp;is able to meet basic needs of its population. As such, today, the major parts of Artsak&rsquo;s economy are agriculture, construction, mining industry, and to lesser extend light industry and energy generation.</p><p>According to the data published by the&nbsp;State Statistical Committee, during the first&nbsp;9 months of 2011, Artsak&rsquo;s total industrial output was equal to more than $80 million, out of which 46 percent was attributed to mining.&nbsp;During the second quarter of 2011, Artsakh&rsquo;s per capita GDP grew to more than $1,000, a relatively modest number&nbsp;for today&rsquo;s world.</p><p>GOING FORWARD</p><p>- One of the most important issues that needs to be addressed is the Governance Issue.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</p><p>- Government Involvement</p><p>-&nbsp;Support to businesses</p><p>- Developing and preserving Human capital</p><p>- Inflow and outflow of capital</p><p>- Work force development</p><p>- Creating more jobs</p><p>- Creating conditions to attract new and/or foreign investments working through Armenian Diaspora</p><p>- Preferential tax treatment for new investments</p><p>- Promoting direct economic and trade linkages with outside world</p><p>- Monetary and fiscal policy&nbsp;</p><p>- Transportation problems.</p><div><div><img alt=\"\" src=\"file://localhost/Users/rafihovsepian/Desktop/271433ba3a.jpg\" /></div></div>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 230, 1068, 'und', 0, '<p>On October 9, 2011, PFA co-founder, Vladimir Shekoyan, spoke at a conference on &ldquo;Artsakh in Today&rsquo;s World&rdquo; organized by the Artsakh Development Group, a Los-Angeles-based non-profit. The <img alt=\"\" src=\"file://localhost/Users/rafihovsepian/Desktop/271433ba3a.jpg\" />event, held at the Glendale Public Library and hosted three panels on History and Politics, Economy, and Culture.</p><p>Below is the summary of Dr. Shekoyan&#39;s speech titled&nbsp;<strong>Economic Prosperity as&nbsp;Cornerstone of&nbsp;Independent Artsakh.</strong></p><p>During the last 20 years Kharabagh was able to create an economy that&nbsp;for better or worse&nbsp;is able to meet basic needs of its population. As such, today, the major parts of Artsak&rsquo;s economy are agriculture, construction, mining industry, and to lesser extend light industry and energy generation.</p><p>According to the data published by the&nbsp;State Statistical Committee, during the first&nbsp;9 months of 2011, Artsak&rsquo;s total industrial output was equal to more than $80 million, out of which 46 percent was attributed to mining.&nbsp;During the second quarter of 2011, Artsakh&rsquo;s per capita GDP grew to more than $1,000, a relatively modest number&nbsp;for today&rsquo;s world.</p><p>GOING FORWARD</p><p>- One of the most important issues that needs to be addressed is the Governance Issue.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</p><p>- Government Involvement</p><p>-&nbsp;Support to businesses</p><p>- Developing and preserving Human capital</p><p>- Inflow and outflow of capital</p><p>- Work force development</p><p>- Creating more jobs</p><p>- Creating conditions to attract new and/or foreign investments working through Armenian Diaspora</p><p>- Preferential tax treatment for new investments</p><p>- Promoting direct economic and trade linkages with outside world</p><p>- Monetary and fiscal policy&nbsp;</p><p>- Transportation problems.</p><div><div><img alt=\"\" src=\"file://localhost/Users/rafihovsepian/Desktop/271433ba3a.jpg\" /></div></div>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 230, 1069, 'und', 0, '<p>On October 9, 2011, PFA co-founder, Dr. Vladimir Shekoyan, spoke at a conference on &ldquo;Artsakh in Today&rsquo;s World&rdquo; organized by the Artsakh Development Group, a Los-Angeles-based non-profit. The <img alt=\"\" src=\"file://localhost/Users/rafihovsepian/Desktop/271433ba3a.jpg\" />event, held at the Glendale Public Library, hosted three panels on History and Politics, Economy, and Culture.</p><p>In his remarks, titled&nbsp;<em>Economic Prosperity as&nbsp;Cornerstone of&nbsp;Independent Artsakh,&nbsp;</em>Dr. Shekoyan specifically noted that during the last 20 years Artsakh was able to create an economy that was able to meet the basic needs of its population. Key sectors of its economy are agriculture, construction, mining, light industry, and energy generation. According to the data published by the&nbsp;State Statistical Committee, during the first three quarters of 2011, Artsak&rsquo;s total industrial output exceeded $80 million, of which nearly half (or 46 percent) was produced by the mining sector.&nbsp;During the second quarter of 2011, Artsakh&rsquo;s per capita GDP crossed the $1,000 mark.</p><p>Going forward, Dr. Shekoyan noted that the key issues requiring attention of policymakers and the society as a whole are:</p><ul><li>Governance and anti-corruption</li><li>Government&#39;s role in economic development as a partner in supporting businesses</li><li>Developing and retaining human capital</li><li>Creating conditions for attracting foreign/Diaspora&nbsp;investments</li><li>Securing inflow of physical capital and limiting its outflow</li><li>Instituting a simple tax regime/administration and a manageable tax burden</li><li>Promoting direct economic and trade linkages with outside world</li><li>Adressing the transportation bottlenecks via improving the connection with Armenia proper.</li></ul><div><div><img alt=\"\" src=\"file://localhost/Users/rafihovsepian/Desktop/271433ba3a.jpg\" /></div></div>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 230, 1070, 'und', 0, '<p>On October 9, 2011, PFA co-founder, Dr. Vladimir Shekoyan, spoke at a conference on &ldquo;Artsakh in Today&rsquo;s World&rdquo; organized by the Artsakh Development Group, a Los-Angeles-based non-profit. The <img alt=\"\" src=\"file://localhost/Users/rafihovsepian/Desktop/271433ba3a.jpg\" />event, held at the Glendale Public Library, hosted three panels on History and Politics, Economy, and Culture.</p><p>In his remarks, titled&nbsp;<em>Economic Prosperity as&nbsp;Cornerstone of&nbsp;Independent Artsakh,&nbsp;</em>Dr. Shekoyan specifically noted that during the last 20 years Artsakh was able to create an economy that was able to meet the basic needs of its population. Key sectors of its economy are agriculture, construction, mining, light industry, and energy generation. According to the data published by the&nbsp;State Statistical Committee, during the first three quarters of 2011, Artsak&rsquo;s total industrial output exceeded $80 million, of which nearly half (or 46 percent) was produced by the mining sector.&nbsp;During the second quarter of 2011, Artsakh&rsquo;s per capita GDP crossed the $1,000 mark.</p><p>Going forward, Dr. Shekoyan noted that the key issues requiring attention of policymakers and the society as a whole are:</p><ul><li>Governance and anti-corruption</li><li>Government&#39;s role in economic development as a partner in supporting businesses</li><li>Developing and retaining human capital</li><li>Creating conditions for attracting foreign/Diaspora&nbsp;investments</li><li>Securing inflow of physical capital and limiting its outflow</li><li>Instituting a simple tax regime/administration and a manageable tax burden</li><li>Promoting direct economic and trade linkages with outside world</li><li>Adressing the transportation bottlenecks via improving the connection with Armenia proper.</li></ul><div><div><img alt=\"\" src=\"file://localhost/Users/rafihovsepian/Desktop/271433ba3a.jpg\" /></div></div>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 231, 326, 'und', 0, '<p>On July 14, 2011, Policy Forum Armenia released its Annual Report covering fiscal years 2009-2010. Being the second one since the organization&#39;s inception, the Report offers a detailed account of PFA&#39;s activities and outputs produced during the period under review. It also offers an analysis of operational and institutional issues and challenges facing PFA in the near term and beyond. Please share your thoughts and feedback on the report with us at forum@pf-armenia.org.</p><p>&nbsp;</p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 231, 327, 'und', 0, '<p>On July 14, 2011, Policy Forum Armenia released its <a href=\"http://pfa-dr.ectostarpark.com/document/2009-10-annual-report\">Annual Report covering fiscal years 2009-2010</a>. Being the second one since the organization&#39;s inception, the Report offers a detailed account of PFA&#39;s activities and outputs produced during the period under review. It also offers an analysis of operational and institutional issues and challenges facing PFA in the near term and beyond. Please share your thoughts and feedback on the report with us at forum@pf-armenia.org.</p><p style=\"text-align: center; \"><img alt=\"\" src=\"http://www.pf-armenia.org/typo3temp/pics/0049d966ee.jpg\" style=\"width: 120px; height: 156px; \" /></p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 231, 981, 'und', 0, '<p>On July 14, 2011, Policy Forum Armenia released its <strong><a href=\"http://pfa-dr.ectostarpark.com/document/2009-10-annual-report\">Annual Report covering fiscal years 2009-2010</a></strong>. Being the second one since the organization&#39;s inception, the Report offers a detailed account of PFA&#39;s activities and outputs produced during the period under review. It also offers an analysis of operational and institutional issues and challenges facing PFA in the near term and beyond. Please share your thoughts and feedback on the report with us at forum@pf-armenia.org.</p><p style=\"text-align: center; \"><img alt=\"\" src=\"http://www.pf-armenia.org/typo3temp/pics/0049d966ee.jpg\" style=\"width: 120px; height: 156px; \" /></p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 231, 1260, 'und', 0, '<p>On July 14, 2011, Policy Forum Armenia released its <strong><a href=\"http://pfa-dr.ectostarpark.com/document/2009-10-annual-report\">Annual Report covering fiscal years 2009-2010</a></strong>. Being the second one since the organization&#39;s inception, the Report offers a detailed account of PFA&#39;s activities and outputs produced during the period under review. It also offers an analysis of operational and institutional issues and challenges facing PFA in the near term and beyond. Please share your thoughts and feedback on the report with us at forum@pf-armenia.org.</p><p style=\"text-align: center; \"><a href=\"http://www.pf-armenia.org/sites/default/files/PFA-Document-cover_0.jpg\"><img alt=\"\" src=\"http://www.pf-armenia.org/sites/default/files/PFA-Document-cover_0.jpg\" style=\"width: 100px; height: 129px;\" /></a></p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 232, 490, 'und', 0, 'Why this is not working g?????', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 232, 494, 'und', 0, 'Press Release \r\n\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 232, 495, 'und', 0, 'PRESS RELEASE\r\n\r\n\r\nPolicy Forum Armenia supports Raffi Hovannisian\'s hunger strike as a way of demanding urgent political change in Armenia. The usurpation of power and large-scale mismanagement of the country\'s present and future can no longer be reversed by political due process and requires unconventional methods. We salute Mr. Hovannisian for his courage and determination and wish him the best of health and perseverance to help him cope with the challenges of building a stronger Armenia in the future, once the short-term barriers to its progress are dismantled. \r\n\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 232, 497, 'und', 0, '<p>PRESS RELEASE</p><p>March 16, 2011</p><p>SUBJECT: Raffi Hovannisian&rsquo;s Hunger Strike</p><p><strong>Policy Forum Armenia </strong>supports Raffi Hovannisian&#39;s hunger strike as a way of demanding urgent political change in Armenia. The usurpation of power and large-scale mismanagement of the country&#39;s present and future can no longer be reversed by political due process and requires unconventional methods. We salute Mr. Hovannisian for his courage and determination and wish him the best of health and perseverance to help him cope with the challenges of building a stronger Armenia in the future, once the short-term barriers to its progress are dismantled.</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>&nbsp;</p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 232, 499, 'und', 0, '<p>PRESS RELEASE</p><p>March 16, 2011</p><p>SUBJECT: Raffi Hovannisian&rsquo;s Hunger Strike</p><p><strong>Policy Forum Armenia </strong>supports Raffi Hovannisian&#39;s hunger strike as a way of demanding urgent political change in Armenia. The usurpation of power and large-scale mismanagement of the country&#39;s present and future can no longer be reversed by political due process and requires unconventional methods. We salute Mr. Hovannisian for his courage and determination and wish him the best of health and perseverance to help him cope with the challenges of building a stronger Armenia in the future, once the short-term barriers to its progress are dismantled.</p><p>See the Press Release in English and Armenian <a href=\"http://pfa-dr.ectostarpark.com/sites/default/files/Raffi_Hovannisian_s_Hunger_Strike.pdf\">here</a>.</p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 232, 500, 'und', 0, '<p>PRESS RELEASE</p><p>March 16, 2011</p><p>SUBJECT: Raffi Hovannisian&rsquo;s Hunger Strike</p><p><strong>Policy Forum Armenia </strong>supports Raffi Hovannisian&#39;s hunger strike as a way of demanding urgent political change in Armenia. The usurpation of power and large-scale mismanagement of the country&#39;s present and future can no longer be reversed by political due process and requires unconventional methods. We salute Mr. Hovannisian for his courage and determination and wish him the best of health and perseverance to help him cope with the challenges of building a stronger Armenia in the future, once the short-term barriers to its progress are dismantled.</p><p>See the Press Release in English and Armenian <a href=\"http://pfa-dr.ectostarpark.com/sites/default/files/Raffi_Hovannisian_s_Hunger_Strike.pdf\">here</a>.</p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 232, 827, 'und', 0, '<p>PRESS RELEASE</p><p>March 16, 2011</p><p>SUBJECT: Raffi Hovannisian&rsquo;s Hunger Strike</p><p><strong>Policy Forum Armenia </strong>supports Raffi Hovannisian&#39;s hunger strike as a way of demanding urgent political change in Armenia. The usurpation of power and large-scale mismanagement of the country&#39;s present and future can no longer be reversed by political due process and requires unconventional methods. We salute Mr. Hovannisian for his courage and determination and wish him the best of health and perseverance to help him cope with the challenges of building a stronger Armenia in the future, once the short-term barriers to its progress are dismantled.</p><p>See the Press Release in English and Armenian <a href=\"http://pfa-dr.ectostarpark.com/sites/default/files/Raffi_Hovannisian_s_Hunger_Strike.pdf\">here</a>.</p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 232, 828, 'und', 0, '<p>PRESS RELEASE</p><p>March 16, 2011</p><p>SUBJECT: Raffi Hovannisian&rsquo;s Hunger Strike</p><p><strong>Policy Forum Armenia </strong>supports Raffi Hovannisian&#39;s hunger strike as a way of demanding urgent political change in Armenia. The usurpation of power and large-scale mismanagement of the country&#39;s present and future can no longer be reversed by political due process and requires unconventional methods. We salute Mr. Hovannisian for his courage and determination and wish him the best of health and perseverance to help him cope with the challenges of building a stronger Armenia in the future, once the short-term barriers to its progress are dismantled.</p><p>See the Press Release in English and Armenian <a href=\"http://pfa-dr.ectostarpark.com/sites/default/files/Raffi_Hovannisian_s_Hunger_Strike.pdf\">here</a>.</p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 232, 829, 'und', 0, '<p>PRESS RELEASE</p><p>March 16, 2011</p><p>SUBJECT: Raffi Hovannisian&rsquo;s Hunger Strike</p><p>Policy Forum Armenia supports Raffi Hovannisian&#39;s hunger strike as a way of demanding urgent political change in Armenia. The usurpation of power and large-scale mismanagement of the country&#39;s present and future can no longer be reversed by political due process and requires unconventional methods. We salute Mr. Hovannisian for his courage and determination and wish him the best of health and perseverance to help him cope with the challenges of building a stronger Armenia in the future, once the short-term barriers to its progress are dismantled.</p><p>See the Press Release in English and Armenian <a href=\"http://pfa-dr.ectostarpark.com/sites/default/files/Raffi_Hovannisian_s_Hunger_Strike.pdf\">here</a>.</p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 232, 1002, 'und', 0, '<p>PRESS RELEASE</p><p>March 16, 2011</p><p>SUBJECT: Raffi Hovannisian&rsquo;s Hunger Strike</p><p>Policy Forum Armenia supports Raffi Hovannisian&#39;s hunger strike as a way of demanding urgent political change in Armenia. The usurpation of power and large-scale mismanagement of the country&#39;s present and future can no longer be reversed by political due process and requires unconventional methods. We salute Mr. Hovannisian for his courage and determination and wish him the best of health and perseverance to help him cope with the challenges of building a stronger Armenia in the future, once the short-term barriers to its progress are dismantled.</p><p>See the Press Release in English and Armenian <a href=\"http://www.pf-armenia.org/sites/default/files/Raffi_Hovannisian_s_Hunger_Strike.pdf\">here</a>.</p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'profile', 0, 236, 347, 'und', 0, 'Tamar Gasparian has 13 years of experience in journalism, fundraising and public relations in Armenia and New York. Tamar was a freelance journalist and television reporter for seven years in Yerevan before moving to New York in 2006. Since then, she has worked for several arts and humanitarian organizations, where she focused on fundraising, development and communications. Most recently, she served as Communications Officer for Fund for Armenian Relief. Her interests include management and development of non-profits that work in the areas of human rights, urban development and social services. Tamar holds master’s degrees in Urban Affairs from City University of New York and Art History from Yerevan State Academy of Fine Arts.', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'profile', 0, 237, 348, 'und', 0, 'Gassia Assadourian is a recent graduate of the London School of Economics, where she earned a Master\'s degree in International Political Economy. Her areas of interest encompass economic development, globalization and global financial regulation. She is also a passionate human rights advocate and has been involved in raising awareness of women\'s rights issues in Armenia, specifically on maternal health and domestic violence. Gassia holds a B.A. summa cum laude in economics and political science from Rutgers University-Newark.', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 239, 359, 'und', 0, 'PFA\'s Diaspora Report was a subject of the keynote presentation at a UC Berkeley symposium on “The Armenian Diaspora and its Relations with the Armenian State” held on November 13, 2010. It was organized by Professor Stephan Astourian, the Executive Director of the Armenian Studies Program at Berkeley. In addition to presentations by Professor Astourian and PFA’s David Grigorian, the symposium also featured Dr. Aida Boudjikanian (AMIC, Montreal) and Dr. Antranig Kasbarian (Tufenkian Foundation and ARF). The capacity audience included academics, prominent businessmen, community leaders, and students from Berkeley and Stanford. A lively question-and-answer session followed the presentations, during which the participants expressed their appreciation for PFA’s effort toward assessing the state of affairs between Diaspora and the homeland in the past 20 years and for taking a stance against factors that undermine the relationship.', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 241, 361, 'und', 0, 'Policy Forum Armenia (PFA) \r\n1250 I (Eye) Street N.W., Suite 710  \r\nWashington, D.C. 20005, USA \r\nContact: Ms. Irina Alaverdyan \r\nE-mail: exrelations@pf-armenia.org  \r\nWeb: http://www.pf-armenia.org\r\n  \r\nAugust 3, 2010 \r\n                                             \r\nMismanagement and corruption that have taken roots in the Armenian army in recent years have claimed yet another life. Lieutenant Artak Nazaryan, commander of a riffle platoon based in the Tavush region on the border with Azerbaijan, was found dead on July 27, 2010, with a bullet shot through his mouth. Although the medical examiner found indications of \r\nlife-threatening injuries inflicted on Lt. Nazaryan’s body hours prior to his death, the official verdict is suicide.  \r\n\r\nPolicy Forum Armenia mourns the loss of Lt. Nazaryan’s life and places the responsibility for this unnecessary tragedy on Armenia’s Ministry of Defense for allowing an atmosphere in the army units which has been conducive to this and other suspicious deaths. Unless this behavior is stamped out in clear and certain terms, and the rule of law and disciplinary \r\nmeasures reinstated to prevent such losses, these episodes will continue to shake the already dented reputation of Armenia’s army within Armenian society. \r\n\r\nArmy is the ultimate protector of country’s security. Those concerned about Armenia’s ability to defend itself against external threats (in a state where demographic trends and corruption are already making it very difficult) must condemn what took place in Tavush and demand a proper investigation of Lt. Nazaryan’s death as well as all similar incidents in recent years. We urge the Ministry of Defense to carry out a credible investigation into these attacks on the life and dignity of the Armenian soldier. \r\n\r\nNOTE: As this statement was being prepared, news arrived of another incident, which claimed the lives of six servicemen in an army unit located in Artsakh. Time to unite against the sources of such occurrences is now. Given the threats of war looming over the country, there may not be another chance. ', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 241, 604, 'und', 0, '<div>Policy Forum Armenia (PFA)&nbsp;</div><div>1250 I (Eye) Street N.W., Suite 710 &nbsp;</div><div>Washington, D.C. 20005, USA&nbsp;</div><div>Contact: Ms. Irina Alaverdyan&nbsp;</div><div>E-mail: exrelations@pf-armenia.org &nbsp;</div><div>Web: http://www.pf-armenia.org</div><div>&nbsp;&nbsp;</div><div>August 3, 2010&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;</div><div>Mismanagement and corruption that have taken roots in the Armenian army in recent years have claimed yet another life. Lieutenant Artak Nazaryan, commander of a riffle platoon based in the Tavush region on the border with Azerbaijan, was found dead on July 27, 2010, with a bullet shot through his mouth. Although the medical examiner found indications of&nbsp;</div><div>life-threatening injuries inflicted on Lt. Nazaryan&rsquo;s body hours prior to his death, the official verdict is suicide. &nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div>Policy Forum Armenia mourns the loss of Lt. Nazaryan&rsquo;s life and places the responsibility for this unnecessary tragedy on Armenia&rsquo;s Ministry of Defense for allowing an atmosphere in the army units which has been conducive to this and other suspicious deaths. Unless this behavior is stamped out in clear and certain terms, and the rule of law and disciplinary&nbsp;</div><div>measures reinstated to prevent such losses, these episodes will continue to shake the already dented reputation of Armenia&rsquo;s army within Armenian society.&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div>Army is the ultimate protector of country&rsquo;s security. Those concerned about Armenia&rsquo;s ability to defend itself against external threats (in a state where demographic trends and corruption are already making it very difficult) must condemn what took place in Tavush and demand a proper investigation of Lt. Nazaryan&rsquo;s death as well as all similar incidents in recent years. We urge the Ministry of Defense to carry out a credible investigation into these attacks on the life and dignity of the Armenian soldier.&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div>NOTE: As this statement was being prepared, news arrived of another incident, which claimed the lives of six servicemen in an army unit located in Artsakh. Time to unite against the sources of such occurrences is now. Given the threats of war looming over the country, there may not be another chance.&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div><strong><a href=\"http://Policy Forum Armenia (PFA)  1250 I (Eye) Street N.W., Suite 710   Washington, D.C. 20005, USA  Contact: Ms. Irina Alaverdyan  E-mail: exrelations@pf-armenia.org   Web: http://www.pf-armenia.org    August 3, 2010                                                Mismanagement and corruption that have taken roots in the Armenian army in recent years have claimed yet another life. Lieutenant Artak Nazaryan, commander of a riffle platoon based in the Tavush region on the border with Azerbaijan, was found dead on July 27, 2010, with a bullet shot through his mouth. Although the medical examiner found indications of  life-threatening injuries inflicted on Lt. Nazaryan’s body hours prior to his death, the official verdict is suicide.    Policy Forum Armenia mourns the loss of Lt. Nazaryan’s life and places the responsibility for this unnecessary tragedy on Armenia’s Ministry of Defense for allowing an atmosphere in the army units which has been conducive to this and other suspicious deaths. Unless this behavior is stamped out in clear and certain terms, and the rule of law and disciplinary  measures reinstated to prevent such losses, these episodes will continue to shake the already dented reputation of Armenia’s army within Armenian society.   Army is the ultimate protector of country’s security. Those concerned about Armenia’s ability to defend itself against external threats (in a state where demographic trends and corruption are already making it very difficult) must condemn what took place in Tavush and demand a proper investigation of Lt. Nazaryan’s death as well as all similar incidents in recent years. We urge the Ministry of Defense to carry out a credible investigation into these attacks on the life and dignity of the Armenian soldier.   NOTE: As this statement was being prepared, news arrived of another incident, which claimed the lives of six servicemen in an army unit located in Artsakh. Time to unite against the sources of such occurrences is now. Given the threats of war looming over the country, there may not be another chance. \">See the statement in Armenian</a></strong></div>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 241, 605, 'und', 0, '<div>Policy Forum Armenia (PFA)&nbsp;</div><div>1250 I (Eye) Street N.W., Suite 710 &nbsp;</div><div>Washington, D.C. 20005, USA&nbsp;</div><div>Contact: Ms. Irina Alaverdyan&nbsp;</div><div>E-mail: exrelations@pf-armenia.org &nbsp;</div><div>Web: http://www.pf-armenia.org</div><div>&nbsp;&nbsp;</div><div>August 3, 2010&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;</div><div>Mismanagement and corruption that have taken roots in the Armenian army in recent years have claimed yet another life. Lieutenant Artak Nazaryan, commander of a riffle platoon based in the Tavush region on the border with Azerbaijan, was found dead on July 27, 2010, with a bullet shot through his mouth. Although the medical examiner found indications of&nbsp;</div><div>life-threatening injuries inflicted on Lt. Nazaryan&rsquo;s body hours prior to his death, the official verdict is suicide. &nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div>Policy Forum Armenia mourns the loss of Lt. Nazaryan&rsquo;s life and places the responsibility for this unnecessary tragedy on Armenia&rsquo;s Ministry of Defense for allowing an atmosphere in the army units which has been conducive to this and other suspicious deaths. Unless this behavior is stamped out in clear and certain terms, and the rule of law and disciplinary&nbsp;</div><div>measures reinstated to prevent such losses, these episodes will continue to shake the already dented reputation of Armenia&rsquo;s army within Armenian society.&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div>Army is the ultimate protector of country&rsquo;s security. Those concerned about Armenia&rsquo;s ability to defend itself against external threats (in a state where demographic trends and corruption are already making it very difficult) must condemn what took place in Tavush and demand a proper investigation of Lt. Nazaryan&rsquo;s death as well as all similar incidents in recent years. We urge the Ministry of Defense to carry out a credible investigation into these attacks on the life and dignity of the Armenian soldier.&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div>NOTE: As this statement was being prepared, news arrived of another incident, which claimed the lives of six servicemen in an army unit located in Artsakh. Time to unite against the sources of such occurrences is now. Given the threats of war looming over the country, there may not be another chance.&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div><strong><a href=\"http://Policy Forum Armenia (PFA)  1250 I (Eye) Street N.W., Suite 710   Washington, D.C. 20005, USA  Contact: Ms. Irina Alaverdyan  E-mail: exrelations@pf-armenia.org   Web: http://www.pf-armenia.org    August 3, 2010                                                Mismanagement and corruption that have taken roots in the Armenian army in recent years have claimed yet another life. Lieutenant Artak Nazaryan, commander of a riffle platoon based in the Tavush region on the border with Azerbaijan, was found dead on July 27, 2010, with a bullet shot through his mouth. Although the medical examiner found indications of  life-threatening injuries inflicted on Lt. Nazaryan’s body hours prior to his death, the official verdict is suicide.    Policy Forum Armenia mourns the loss of Lt. Nazaryan’s life and places the responsibility for this unnecessary tragedy on Armenia’s Ministry of Defense for allowing an atmosphere in the army units which has been conducive to this and other suspicious deaths. Unless this behavior is stamped out in clear and certain terms, and the rule of law and disciplinary  measures reinstated to prevent such losses, these episodes will continue to shake the already dented reputation of Armenia’s army within Armenian society.   Army is the ultimate protector of country’s security. Those concerned about Armenia’s ability to defend itself against external threats (in a state where demographic trends and corruption are already making it very difficult) must condemn what took place in Tavush and demand a proper investigation of Lt. Nazaryan’s death as well as all similar incidents in recent years. We urge the Ministry of Defense to carry out a credible investigation into these attacks on the life and dignity of the Armenian soldier.   NOTE: As this statement was being prepared, news arrived of another incident, which claimed the lives of six servicemen in an army unit located in Artsakh. Time to unite against the sources of such occurrences is now. Given the threats of war looming over the country, there may not be another chance. \">See the statement in Armenian</a></strong></div>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 241, 606, 'und', 0, '<div>Policy Forum Armenia (PFA)&nbsp;</div><div>1250 I (Eye) Street N.W., Suite 710 &nbsp;</div><div>Washington, D.C. 20005, USA&nbsp;</div><div>Contact: Ms. Irina Alaverdyan&nbsp;</div><div>E-mail: exrelations@pf-armenia.org &nbsp;</div><div>Web: http://www.pf-armenia.org</div><div>&nbsp;&nbsp;</div><div>August 3, 2010&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;</div><div>Mismanagement and corruption that have taken roots in the Armenian army in recent years have claimed yet another life. Lieutenant Artak Nazaryan, commander of a riffle platoon based in the Tavush region on the border with Azerbaijan, was found dead on July 27, 2010, with a bullet shot through his mouth. Although the medical examiner found indications of&nbsp;</div><div>life-threatening injuries inflicted on Lt. Nazaryan&rsquo;s body hours prior to his death, the official verdict is suicide. &nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div>Policy Forum Armenia mourns the loss of Lt. Nazaryan&rsquo;s life and places the responsibility for this unnecessary tragedy on Armenia&rsquo;s Ministry of Defense for allowing an atmosphere in the army units which has been conducive to this and other suspicious deaths. Unless this behavior is stamped out in clear and certain terms, and the rule of law and disciplinary&nbsp;</div><div>measures reinstated to prevent such losses, these episodes will continue to shake the already dented reputation of Armenia&rsquo;s army within Armenian society.&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div>Army is the ultimate protector of country&rsquo;s security. Those concerned about Armenia&rsquo;s ability to defend itself against external threats (in a state where demographic trends and corruption are already making it very difficult) must condemn what took place in Tavush and demand a proper investigation of Lt. Nazaryan&rsquo;s death as well as all similar incidents in recent years. We urge the Ministry of Defense to carry out a credible investigation into these attacks on the life and dignity of the Armenian soldier.&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div>NOTE: As this statement was being prepared, news arrived of another incident, which claimed the lives of six servicemen in an army unit located in Artsakh. Time to unite against the sources of such occurrences is now. Given the threats of war looming over the country, there may not be another chance.&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div><strong><a href=\"http://www.pf-armenia.org/fileadmin/pfa_uploads/Statement_on_Artak_Nazaryan_s_death--Armenian.pdf\">See the statement in Armenian</a></strong></div>', '', 'full_html');
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('node', 'press_release', 0, 241, 998, 'und', 0, '<div>Policy Forum Armenia (PFA)&nbsp;</div><div>1250 I (Eye) Street N.W., Suite 710 &nbsp;</div><div>Washington, D.C. 20005&nbsp;</div><div>E-mail: forum@pf-armenia.org &nbsp;</div><div>Web: http://www.pf-armenia.org</div><div>&nbsp;&nbsp;</div><div>August 3, 2010&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;</div><div>Mismanagement and corruption that have taken roots in the Armenian army in recent years have claimed yet another life. Lieutenant Artak Nazaryan, commander of a riffle platoon based in the Tavush region on the border with Azerbaijan, was found dead on July 27, 2010, with a bullet shot through his mouth. Although the medical examiner found indications of life-threatening injuries inflicted on Lt. Nazaryan&rsquo;s body hours prior to his death, the official verdict is suicide. &nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div>Policy Forum Armenia mourns the loss of Lt. Nazaryan&rsquo;s life and places the responsibility for this unnecessary tragedy on Armenia&rsquo;s Ministry of Defense for allowing an atmosphere in the army units which has been conducive to this and other suspicious deaths. Unless this behavior is stamped out in clear and certain terms, and the rule of law and disciplinary&nbsp;</div><div>measures reinstated to prevent such losses, these episodes will continue to shake the already dented reputation of Armenia&rsquo;s army within Armenian society.&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div>Army is the ultimate protector of country&rsquo;s security. Those concerned about Armenia&rsquo;s ability to defend itself against external threats (in a state where demographic trends and corruption are already making it very difficult) must condemn what took place in Tavush and demand a proper investigation of Lt. Nazaryan&rsquo;s death as well as all similar incidents in recent years. We urge the Ministry of Defense to carry out a credible investigation into these attacks on the life and dignity of the Armenian soldier.&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div>NOTE: As this statement was being prepared, news arrived of another incident, which claimed the lives of six servicemen in an army unit located in Artsakh. Time to unite against the sources of such occurrences is now. Given the threats of war looming over the country, there may not be another chance.&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div><strong><a href=\"http://www.pf-armenia.org/fileadmin/pfa_uploads/Statement_on_Artak_Nazaryan_s_death--Armenian.pdf\">See the statement in Armenian</a></strong></div>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 241, 999, 'und', 0, '<div>Policy Forum Armenia (PFA)&nbsp;</div><div>1250 I (Eye) Street N.W., Suite 710 &nbsp;</div><div>Washington, D.C. 20005&nbsp;</div><div>E-mail: forum@pf-armenia.org &nbsp;</div><div>Web: http://www.pf-armenia.org</div><div>&nbsp;&nbsp;</div><div>August 3, 2010&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;</div><div>Mismanagement and corruption that have taken roots in the Armenian army in recent years have claimed yet another life. Lieutenant Artak Nazaryan, commander of a riffle platoon based in the Tavush region on the border with Azerbaijan, was found dead on July 27, 2010, with a bullet shot through his mouth. Although the medical examiner found indications of life-threatening injuries inflicted on Lt. Nazaryan&rsquo;s body hours prior to his death, the official verdict is suicide. &nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div>Policy Forum Armenia mourns the loss of Lt. Nazaryan&rsquo;s life and places the responsibility for this unnecessary tragedy on Armenia&rsquo;s Ministry of Defense for allowing an atmosphere in the army units which has been conducive to this and other suspicious deaths. Unless this behavior is stamped out in clear and certain terms, and the rule of law and disciplinary measures reinstated to prevent such losses, these episodes will continue to shake the already dented reputation of Armenia&rsquo;s army within Armenian society.&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div>Army is the ultimate protector of country&rsquo;s security. Those concerned about Armenia&rsquo;s ability to defend itself against external threats (in a state where demographic trends and corruption are already making it very difficult) must condemn what took place in Tavush and demand a proper investigation of Lt. Nazaryan&rsquo;s death as well as all similar incidents in recent years. We urge the Ministry of Defense to carry out a credible investigation into these attacks on the life and dignity of the Armenian soldier.&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div>NOTE: As this statement was being prepared, news arrived of another incident, which claimed the lives of six servicemen in an army unit located in Artsakh. Time to unite against the sources of such occurrences is now. Given the threats of war looming over the country, there may not be another chance.&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div><strong><a href=\"http://www.pf-armenia.org/fileadmin/pfa_uploads/Statement_on_Artak_Nazaryan_s_death--Armenian.pdf\">See the statement in Armenian</a></strong></div>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 241, 1003, 'und', 0, '<div>Policy Forum Armenia (PFA)&nbsp;</div><div>1250 I (Eye) Street N.W., Suite 710 &nbsp;</div><div>Washington, D.C. 20005&nbsp;</div><div>E-mail: forum@pf-armenia.org &nbsp;</div><div>Web: http://www.pf-armenia.org</div><div>&nbsp;&nbsp;</div><div>August 3, 2010&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;</div><div>Mismanagement and corruption that have taken roots in the Armenian army in recent years have claimed yet another life. Lieutenant Artak Nazaryan, commander of a riffle platoon based in the Tavush region on the border with Azerbaijan, was found dead on July 27, 2010, with a bullet shot through his mouth. Although the medical examiner found indications of life-threatening injuries inflicted on Lt. Nazaryan&rsquo;s body hours prior to his death, the official verdict is suicide. &nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div>Policy Forum Armenia mourns the loss of Lt. Nazaryan&rsquo;s life and places the responsibility for this unnecessary tragedy on Armenia&rsquo;s Ministry of Defense for allowing an atmosphere in the army units which has been conducive to this and other suspicious deaths. Unless this behavior is stamped out in clear and certain terms, and the rule of law and disciplinary measures reinstated to prevent such losses, these episodes will continue to shake the already dented reputation of Armenia&rsquo;s army within Armenian society.&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div>Army is the ultimate protector of country&rsquo;s security. Those concerned about Armenia&rsquo;s ability to defend itself against external threats (in a state where demographic trends and corruption are already making it very difficult) must condemn what took place in Tavush and demand a proper investigation of Lt. Nazaryan&rsquo;s death as well as all similar incidents in recent years. We urge the Ministry of Defense to carry out a credible investigation into these attacks on the life and dignity of the Armenian soldier.&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div>NOTE: As this statement was being prepared, news arrived of another incident, which claimed the lives of six servicemen in an army unit located in Artsakh. Time to unite against the sources of such occurrences is now. Given the threats of war looming over the country, there may not be another chance.&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div><strong><a href=\"http://www.pf-armenia.org/fileadmin/pfa_uploads/Statement_on_Artak_Nazaryan_s_death--Armenian.pdf\">See the statement in Armenian</a></strong></div>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 241, 1004, 'und', 0, '<div>Policy Forum Armenia (PFA)&nbsp;</div><div>1250 I (Eye) Street N.W., Suite 710 &nbsp;</div><div>Washington, D.C. 20005&nbsp;</div><div>E-mail: forum@pf-armenia.org &nbsp;</div><div>Web: http://www.pf-armenia.org</div><div>&nbsp;&nbsp;</div><div>August 3, 2010&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;</div><div>Mismanagement and corruption that have taken roots in the Armenian army in recent years have claimed yet another life. Lieutenant Artak Nazaryan, commander of a riffle platoon based in the Tavush region on the border with Azerbaijan, was found dead on July 27, 2010, with a bullet shot through his mouth. Although the medical examiner found indications of life-threatening injuries inflicted on Lt. Nazaryan&rsquo;s body hours prior to his death, the official verdict is suicide. &nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div>Policy Forum Armenia mourns the loss of Lt. Nazaryan&rsquo;s life and places the responsibility for this unnecessary tragedy on Armenia&rsquo;s Ministry of Defense for allowing an atmosphere in the army units which has been conducive to this and other suspicious deaths. Unless this behavior is stamped out in clear and certain terms, and the rule of law and disciplinary measures reinstated to prevent such losses, these episodes will continue to shake the already dented reputation of Armenia&rsquo;s army within Armenian society.&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div>Army is the ultimate protector of country&rsquo;s security. Those concerned about Armenia&rsquo;s ability to defend itself against external threats (in a state where demographic trends and corruption are already making it very difficult) must condemn what took place in Tavush and demand a proper investigation of Lt. Nazaryan&rsquo;s death as well as all similar incidents in recent years. We urge the Ministry of Defense to carry out a credible investigation into these attacks on the life and dignity of the Armenian soldier.&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div>NOTE: As this statement was being prepared, news arrived of another incident, which claimed the lives of six servicemen in an army unit located in Artsakh. Time to unite against the sources of such occurrences is now. Given the threats of war looming over the country, there may not be another chance.&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div><strong><a href=\"http://www.pf-armenia.org/fileadmin/pfa_uploads/Statement_on_Artak_Nazaryan_s_death--Armenian.pdf\">See the statement in Armenian</a></strong></div>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 241, 1025, 'und', 0, '<div>Policy Forum Armenia (PFA)&nbsp;</div><div>1250 I (Eye) Street N.W., Suite 710 &nbsp;</div><div>Washington, D.C. 20005&nbsp;</div><div>E-mail: forum@pf-armenia.org &nbsp;</div><div>Web: http://www.pf-armenia.org</div><div>&nbsp;&nbsp;</div><div>August 3, 2010&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;</div><div>Mismanagement and corruption that have taken roots in the Armenian army in recent years have claimed yet another life. Lieutenant Artak Nazaryan, commander of a riffle platoon based in the Tavush region on the border with Azerbaijan, was found dead on July 27, 2010, with a bullet shot through his mouth. Although the medical examiner found indications of life-threatening injuries inflicted on Lt. Nazaryan&rsquo;s body hours prior to his death, the official verdict is suicide. &nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div>Policy Forum Armenia mourns the loss of Lt. Nazaryan&rsquo;s life and places the responsibility for this unnecessary tragedy on Armenia&rsquo;s Ministry of Defense for allowing an atmosphere in the army units which has been conducive to this and other suspicious deaths. Unless this behavior is stamped out in clear and certain terms, and the rule of law and disciplinary measures reinstated to prevent such losses, these episodes will continue to shake the already dented reputation of Armenia&rsquo;s army within Armenian society.&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div>Army is the ultimate protector of country&rsquo;s security. Those concerned about Armenia&rsquo;s ability to defend itself against external threats (in a state where demographic trends and corruption are already making it very difficult) must condemn what took place in Tavush and demand a proper investigation of Lt. Nazaryan&rsquo;s death as well as all similar incidents in recent years. We urge the Ministry of Defense to carry out a credible investigation into these attacks on the life and dignity of the Armenian soldier.&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div>NOTE: As this statement was being prepared, news arrived of another incident, which claimed the lives of six servicemen in an army unit located in Artsakh. Time to unite against the sources of such occurrences is now. Given the threats of war looming over the country, there may not be another chance.&nbsp;</div><div>&nbsp;</div><div><strong><a href=\"http://www.pf-armenia.org/sites/default/files/Statement%20on%20Artak%20Nazaryan%27s%20death--Armenian.pdf\">See the statement in Armenian</a></strong></div>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'profile', 0, 243, 369, 'und', 0, 'Talin Baghdalian interned with Policy Forum Armenia in Summer of 2012. She worked on a research for one of PFA\'s publications about corruption in Armenia. Talin holds a Bachelor\'s degree in Arts from the Elliott School of International Affairs at The George Washington University. Currently Talin lives and works in the greater New York City area. \r\n\r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'profile', 0, 251, 377, 'und', 0, 'Aramayis Baloyan has several years of experience as a Lead Specialist at the Department of Citizenship, the Administration of the President of Armenia. Aram has worked as a scientist at Matenadaran – museum and research center of Armenian and other ancient manuscripts, where he focused on a very important research project on the topic of the Armenian Question. \r\nAfter receiving his Master\'s degree in History from Yerevan State University of Armenia he continued his studies at the University of Bologna in Italy. Aram has also finished Yerevan School of Political Studies of the Council of Europe in 2010. The Ministry of Foreign affairs of Italy authorized Aram to make a comprehensive research of the Italian diplomatic documents and collect the documents concerning to Armenia and the Armenian Question. The Armenian Genocide Museum-Institute of Armenia has published these documents, collected and translated by Aram, in two volumes in 2008 and in 2010 titled “The Documents of the Diplomatic archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Italy on the Armenian Question in 1913-1923.” Currently Aram is a Consultant at Travisa passport and visa services. \r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'profile', 0, 252, 378, 'und', 0, 'A graduate of Georgetown University, Armen Avagyan interned with PFA in Summer 2009. During his internship, Armen conducted statistical analysis of data for one of PFA\'s reports and assisted with the preparation of PFA\'s 2nd Annual Conference.', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'media_gallery', 0, 253, 379, 'und', 0, 'On the occasion of the First Republic\'s Independence, on May 28, 2011, PFA hosted members of \"Sardarapat\" movement.', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'profile', 0, 265, 391, 'und', 0, 'Hrach Kalsahakian is Marketing Manager at Cyprus Tourism Organisation\'s Middle East Office in Dubai, United Arab Emirates since 2005. With a degree in Economy and Management from Greece, Hrach specializes in tourism management. After working several years in travel agenices in Patras and Athens he moved to the United Arab Emirates in 1998 where he worked at Sheraton Abu Dhabi.  From 2000 to 2005 he was employed at the Embassy of Greece in Abu Dhabi as a translator and administrative assistant before joining the Cyprus Tourism Organization. In 2003 Hrach founded Azad-Hye.net website, the first Middle East pan Armenian website in English and Arabic languages. Since then he has covered numerous regional and pan Armenian topics. He is a member of Arab Writers\' Union and has translated and authored several books in Arabic language on Armenian topics. Having lived and travelled extensively in Middle Eastern countries, Hrach is in the unique position of bridging between Middle Eastern Armenian communities and the broader Armenian world. He is familiar with the structure of traditional Armenian communities and tries to contribute to the modernization process of the Diaspora structures. He has recently completed his dissertation on Human Resource Management for Master\'s degree with Liverpool University. \r\n', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'profile', 0, 266, 392, 'und', 0, 'Hamazasp Danielyan graduate of Political Science Department of Yerevan State University interned with PFA in summer 2008 through Terjenian-Thomas Assembly Internship Program. He contributed to PFA\'s report on Armenia-Diaspora relations as well as to data gathering efforts for the reports on presidential elections. Since then Hamazasp joined PFA as a Fellow and is currently residing in Yerevan.', '', 'filtered_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 270, 404, 'und', 0, '<p><a href=\"http://www.armenianweekly.com/2011/03/19/arf-and-armenia-how-to-withstand-the-challenges-of-the-future/\">The Armenian Weekly</a></p><p>March 19, 2011</p><p><em>Below are the comments delivered by <strong>David Grigorian </strong>(Senior Fellow, Policy Forum Armenia) at the public forum titled &ldquo;The ARF at 120: A Critical Appreciation,&rdquo; held at the New York Hilton Hotel on Nov. 21, 2010. Click <a href=\"http://www.armenianweekly.com/2011/03/19/weekly-publishes-proceedings-of-groundbreaking-public-forum/\">here</a> for the comments delivered by the other panelists and the response of ARF Central Committee chair Antranig Kasbarian.</em></p><p><strong>Recent past: A snapshot</strong></p><p>On behalf of my colleagues at Policy Forum Armenia (PFA)&mdash;a virtual think-tank uniting over 60 Armenian professionals from around the world&mdash;I thank the organizers, particularly, Dr. Antranig Kasbarian, for an opportunity to address this anniversary gathering.</p><p>The fact that a developmental economist, like me&mdash;who by the nature of his profession focuses more on the future than on the past&mdash;is invited to speak here, is a welcome development and says a lot about where the ARF&rsquo;s thinking is aimed at.</p><p>Before I begin, however, I am required to make a disclaimer. The views expressed here are my own and should not be attributed to the institutions I am affiliated with.</p><p>I should mention that neither my English nor my presentation is as polished as those of my fellow panelists, who spoke here before me, for which I apologize. So please bear with me. I am also perhaps the most impatient one among the panelists in my desire to see change take place, and for that I do not apologize!</p><p>There is something I would like to say from the onset, something that has to do with why I am here today. And that thing is the understanding that the ARF is the most active and well-organized element of the Armenian Diaspora. It is second to none in terms of the patriotic upbringing of youth and the role it played in the Artsakh War.</p><p>Much of what I am going to say today is on the record already, as part of PFA&rsquo;s report on Armenia-Diaspora relations of the past 20 years. There we argue for a more active diaspora involvement in Armenia&rsquo;s affairs, and so the rest of my presentation will essentially be based on that premise.</p><p>First, I would like to review some facts of the ARF&rsquo;s involvement in Armenia in recent years&mdash;election results since 2007&mdash;and offer some reasons for the worse-than-expected outcomes.</p><p>Second, I would like to share with you my take on Armenia&rsquo;s developmental challenges and, time permitting, put that in the perspective of both our own resources as well as the trends taking place in the rest of the world.</p><p>Finally, I would like to offer some recommendations on what the ARF can do to better meet the challenges before itself and the Armenian nation as a whole.</p><p>I wanted to start off with a brief trip to a not-so-distant past and ask you to visualize a bar chart that has the following percentages of votes received by the ARF in the 2007 parliamentary elections, the 2008 presidential elections, and the 2009 Yerevan municipality elections.</p><p>While PFA&rsquo;s research shows evidence of fraud and irregularities against certain political parties and candidates, we conclude&mdash;at least in the cases of 2008 and 2009&mdash;that there was little, if any, systemic fraud conducted against ARF (or its candidates) in these elections. So these numbers are really the fraud-free popularity ratings of the ARF in Armenia.</p><p>Now, I am sure many of you have wondered about these outcomes. After all, if anything we know about elections and what drives them is correct, the ARF should have been receiving much higher and perhaps even increasing levels of support.</p><p><strong>Blunders of the past</strong></p><p>I do not want to dwell on these numbers (see table) too much&mdash;after all, they are in the past and not much can be changed there. What I do want to do, however, is offer some potential reasons behind these performances and generally the ARF&rsquo;s low popularity ratings in Armenia. I call these reasons &ldquo;Six Blunders of the Past.&rdquo;</p><p><a href=\"http://www.armenianweekly.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/03/Presentation1.jpg\"><img alt=\"CREATOR: gd-jpeg v1.0 (using IJG JPEG v62), quality = 90\r\n\" border=\"0\" height=\"227\" src=\"file://localhost/Users/rafihovsepian/Library/Caches/TemporaryItems/msoclip/0/clip_image002.jpg\" width=\"302\" />&lt;img class=&quot;size-medium wp-image-13283&quot; title=&quot;Presentation1&quot; src=&quot;http://www.armenianweekly.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/03/Presentation1-300x225.jpg&quot; alt=&quot;Presentation1 300x225 ARF and Armenia: How to Withstand the Challenges of the Future?&quot; width=&quot;300&quot; height=&quot;225&quot; /&gt;</a></p><p>ARF&#39;s performance in Armenia&#39;s elections (2007-2009).</p><p>Blunder #1<u>:</u> Handling of freedom fighter Pavel Manukyan&rsquo;s case in June 2005, who was severely beaten by Seyran Ohanyan (and a number of others) in his office. The case was pushed under the carpet without receiving much by way of legal due process. Since then, Ohanyan moved to become the defense minister of Armenia, while others who participated in the beating were promoted (including to the rank of general). This was seen by many as an unwillingness of the ARF leadership to rock the boat, in an attempt <em>not</em> to risk the cozy relationship with then-President Robert Kocharyan, and may have contributed to the current scandalous environment in the Armenian Army.</p><p>Blunder #2: Supporting a legislative amendment introduced by the Kocharian Administration in February 2007 to ban absentee voting. As part of a legislative initiative to introduce dual citizenship, which the ARF was the main force behind, casting votes by Armenian citizens residing abroad&mdash;previously allowed at Armenia&rsquo;s embassies worldwide&mdash;has been banned.</p><p>Blunder #3: The signing of the infamous March 18, 2008 statement by five diasporan organizations (ANCA as one of the signatories) and the signing of the Coalition Agreement with the Republican Party and others on March 22, 2008. This is even more surprising if viewed together with the fact that Vahan Hovhanissian, the ARF&rsquo;s candidate, resigned from his position of vice speaker of the parliament citing gross violations during the February elections. These two steps basically gave Robert Kocharian and Serge Sarkisian a free hand to &ldquo;handle&rdquo; the opposition and throw several dozen of them in jail, effectively closing the window for any meaningful political reform in Armenia. Fundamental developmental changes promised by Serge Sarkisian and signed up to by the coalition members, including the ARF, are yet to materialize.</p><p>Blunder #4: Unwillingness to cooperate with the Ter Petrossian-led opposition. The whole rhetoric that Levon Ter-Petrossian is one of the founding fathers of the crooked system we have now&mdash;while true&mdash;is reminiscent of holding grudges, which is not only difficult for the people of Armenia to comprehend&mdash;given the country&rsquo;s state of affairs&mdash;but also difficult to reconcile with Kocharian&rsquo;s own record of anti-ARF activities in Artsakh during the war, which did not prevent the ARF from becoming his power base for a decade.</p><p>Blunder #5: The ARF&rsquo;s membership in the coalition governments. During the past 12 years, the party was in control of critical areas of education, social security, and agriculture, having to report little, if any, positive change in these areas. In fact, the ARF&rsquo;s leadership in these areas witnessed Armenia entering the lowest quintiles of world countries in terms of budgetary spending on education and health.</p><p>Blunder #6: Handling of Armenia-Turkey protocols. While the end result&mdash;the ARF leaving the coalition&mdash;was as expected, many observers felt it was too little too late. It is difficult to imagine that as a coalition member the ARF was not in the loop with the preparations underway and could not have blown the whistle earlier on this biggest of all &ldquo;Russian roulettes&rdquo; played in Armenia&rsquo;s recent history.</p><p>But let me not single out the ARF here and give you a snapshot of our assessment of the overall diaspora performance in recent years; here I cite the conclusions of the PFA&rsquo;s Diaspora Report:</p><p>&mdash;Diaspora missed an opportunity to line up its vision, values, and aspirations with those of the people of Armenia. Diaspora economic assistance lost its scale/scope, and may have reduced incentives of those in power in Yerevan to undertake meaningful reform;</p><p>&mdash;Diaspora failed to produce a credible warning to the government of Armenia as to the limits of what can and cannot be tolerated in terms of human rights abuses and economic mismanagement;</p><p>&mdash;By being complacent and minding its own business, Diaspora effectively encouraged the abuses that have undermined the prospects for development and are effectively tearing the socio-political fabric of the Armenian society.</p><p>The good news is that the diaspora&mdash;and that includes its most active element, the ARF&mdash;is still the best source for change that we have, by the virtue of the fact that it is free from Yerevan&rsquo;s censorship and has the intellectual and financial resources to do <em>much</em> better.</p><p><strong>Current challenges</strong></p><p>Going forward, I will list the challenges faced by Armenia today as I see them. Among these, nothing has such a profound implication for the conditions the country is in now (and as a matter of fact, for the remainder of the items of the list) as the first item below, the state capture:</p><p>&mdash;State capture (defined as control of economy and economic decision-making by a narrow interest group or individuals) has reached enormous and unprecedented proportions in Armenia;</p><p>&mdash;Demographic disaster: According to several observers, such as Stephan Astourian and Ara Papian, given the outflow of population, Armenia may soon reach a point of no return from in terms of both economic and geopolitical viability;</p><p>&mdash;Brain drain has accelerated since the events of 2008 with little, if any, hope of slowing down;</p><p>&mdash;Damage to the social fabric and values: The economic model of recent years has (on the microeconomic level) encouraged over-dependence on remittances and transfers and discouraged investment in education and business activities;</p><p>&mdash;Economic stagnation, growing public debt: Crisis management over the past two years has turned into a disaster, with sovereign debt about to cross a dangerous threshold of 50 percent of GDP by the end of 2010, tripling in two years! The current economic model holds no promise of any drastic improvements. The most recent quarterly GDP numbers show that the economy might be headed for an L-shaped recovery, with serious implications for unemployment and poverty;</p><p>&mdash;Environmental desecration: The recent surge of problems on this front is a direct outcome of the economic model where (low value added) mining is the main driver of the economy at the expense of the environment and safety;</p><p>&mdash;Geopolitical challenges and threats remain very serious.</p><p>The Armenia we currently have is not what its citizens wish it was, or what they deserve. It is also fair to say that the Armenia of today is not the Armenia of your dreams. Let me push this further: I will stand corrected if any one of you tells me today that Armenia&rsquo;s political leaders are the kinds of leaders you envisioned in your dreams 25 years ago.</p><p>Despite these challenges, Armenia can be as prosperous and strong as we want it to be. The current state of affairs is a direct outcome of the country&rsquo;s corrupt and incompetent leadership of the past and present, and the limits imposed by Armenia&rsquo;s &ldquo;international partners,&rdquo; who have the country&rsquo;s rulers on the hook.</p><p><strong>Going forward: What can the ARF do?</strong></p><p>Where do we go from here? In sum, the main directions of effort should be aimed at:</p><p>&mdash;De-criminalizing politics;</p><p>&mdash;De-politicizing economic decision-making; and</p><p>&mdash;Building (development-intensive) policy capacity.</p><p>The diaspora&rsquo;s role in each of these dimensions is critical. The actions and steps the ARF can take to better prepare itself for achieving these broadly defined goals could be as follows:</p><p>&mdash;Revise its operational model: The ARF remains very centralized. This may not be conducive to change that is needed to address the internal challenges and to stay alive and relevant. While in recent years a disproportionate amount of power has been concentrated in the hands of Armenia-based leaders of the party, this should not prevent the grassroots from making their leaders accountable for the mistakes of the past and from changing course. A change of leadership over time in any institution is essential and term limits should be introduced;</p><p>&mdash;Embrace forward-looking thinking: While genocide recognition efforts have provided the ARF with a strong follower base and kept the issue alive, more needs to be done in terms of channelling the energy and potential of the party&rsquo;s strong grassroots membership toward the challenges of today and tomorrow. The realization and message that if Armenia were a stronger and more democratic state our efforts toward addressing historical wrongs may have been more efficient should be stressed;</p><p>&mdash;Secure consistency of message: The view that the Armenia-based leadership is very close to the ruling regime is strong among people in Armenia, and stronger and more credible efforts should be made to change this perception. A message that is consistent: (1) across time, (2) with party&rsquo;s own objectives, and (3) what works and what doesn&rsquo;t in the world is long overdue.</p><p>Having said this, once again, you are the most active and well-organized community in the whole of the diaspora. Dust the &ldquo;revolutionary&rdquo; of the ARF and put it to use. The nation&rsquo;s future pretty much depends on you&mdash;don&rsquo;t squander it!</p><p>Thank you.</p><p>&nbsp;</p>', '', 'full_html'),
('node', 'press_release', 0, 270, 405, 'und', 0, '<p><a href=\"http://www.armenianweekly.com/2011/03/19/arf-and-armenia-how-to-withstand-the-challenges-of-the-future/\">The Armenian Weekly</a></p><p>March 19, 2011</p><p><em>Below are the comments delivered by <strong>David Grigorian </strong>(Senior Fellow, Policy Forum Armenia) at the public forum titled &ldquo;The ARF at 120: A Critical Appreciation,&rdquo; held at the New York Hilton Hotel on Nov. 21, 2010. Click <a href=\"http://www.armenianweekly.com/2011/03/19/weekly-publishes-proceedings-of-groundbreaking-public-forum/\">here</a> for the comments delivered by the other panelists and the response of ARF Central Committee chair Antranig Kasbarian.</em></p><p><strong>Recent past: A snapshot</strong></p><p>On behalf of my colleagues at Policy Forum Armenia (PFA)&mdash;a virtual think-tank uniting over 60 Armenian professionals from around the world&mdash;I thank the organizers, particularly, Dr. Antranig Kasbarian, for an opportunity to address this anniversary gathering.</p><p>The fact that a developmental economist, like me&mdash;who by the nature of his profession focuses more on the future than on the past&mdash;is invited to speak here, is a welcome development and says a lot about where the ARF&rsquo;s thinking is aimed at.</p><p>Before I begin, however, I am required to make a disclaimer. The views expressed here are my own and should not be attributed to the institutions I am affiliated with.</p><p>I should mention that neither my English nor my presentation is as polished as those of my fellow panelists, who spoke here before me, for which I apologize. So please bear with me. I am also perhaps the most impatient one among the panelists in my desire to see change take place, and for that I do not apologize!</p><p>There is something I would like to say from the onset, something that has to do with why I am here today. And that thing is the understanding that the ARF is the most active and well-organized element of the Armenian Diaspora. It is second to none in terms of the patriotic upbringing of youth and the role it played in the Artsakh War.</p><p>Much of what I am going to say today is on the record already, as part of PFA&rsquo;s report on Armenia-Diaspora relations of the past 20 years. There we argue for a more active diaspora involvement in Armenia&rsquo;s affairs, and so the rest of my presentation will essentially be based on that premise.</p><p>First, I would like to review some facts of the ARF&rsquo;s involvement in Armenia in recent years&mdash;election results since 2007&mdash;and offer some reasons for the worse-than-expected outcomes.</p><p>Second, I would like to share with you my take on Armenia&rsquo;s developmental challenges and, time permitting, put that in the perspective of both our own resources as well as the trends taking place in the rest of the world.</p><p>Finally, I would like to offer some recommendations on what the ARF can do to better meet the challenges before itself and the Armenian nation as a whole.</p><p>I wanted to start off with a brief trip to a not-so-distant past and ask you to visualize a bar chart that has the following percentages of votes received by the ARF in the 2007 parliamentary elections, the 2008 presidential elections, and the 2009 Yerevan municipality elections.</p><p>While PFA&rsquo;s research shows evidence of fraud and irregularities against certain political parties and candidates, we conclude&mdash;at least in the cases of 2008 and 2009&mdash;that there was little, if any, systemic fraud conducted against ARF (or its candidates) in these elections. So these numbers are really the fraud-free popularity ratings of the ARF in Armenia.</p><p>Now, I am sure many of you have wondered about these outcomes. After all, if anything we know about elections and what drives them is correct, the ARF should have been receiving much higher and perhaps even increasing levels of support.</p><p><strong>Blunders of the past</strong></p><p>I do not want to dwell on these numbers (see table) too much&mdash;after all, they are in the past and not much can be changed there. What I do want to do, however, is offer some potential reasons behind these performances and generally the ARF&rsquo;s low popularity ratings in Armenia. I call these reasons &ldquo;Six Blunders of the Past.&rdquo;</p><p>Click to see the chart:&nbsp;<a href=\"http://www.armenianweekly.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/03/Presentation1.jpg\">ARF&#39;s performance in Armenia&#39;s elections (2007-2009).</a></p><p>Blunder #1<u>:</u> Handling of freedom fighter Pavel Manukyan&rsquo;s case in June 2005, who was severely beaten by Seyran Ohanyan (and a number of others) in his office. The case was pushed under the carpet without receiving much by way of legal due process. Since then, Ohanyan moved to become the defense minister of Armenia, while others who participated in the beating were promoted (including to the rank of general). This was seen by many as an unwillingness of the ARF leadership to rock the boat, in an attempt <em>not</em> to risk the cozy relationship with then-President Robert Kocharyan, and may have contributed to the current scandalous environment in the Armenian Army.</p><p>Blunder #2: Supporting a legislative amendment introduced by the Kocharian Administration in February 2007 to ban absentee voting. As part of a legislative initiative to introduce dual citizenship, which the ARF was the main force behind, casting votes by Armenian citizens residing abroad&mdash;previously allowed at Armenia&rsquo;s embassies worldwide&mdash;has been banned.</p><p>Blunder #3: The signing of the infamous March 18, 2008 statement by five diasporan organizations (ANCA as one of the signatories) and the signing of the Coalition Agreement with the Republican Party and others on March 22, 2008. This is even more surprising if viewed together with the fact that Vahan Hovhanissian, the ARF&rsquo;s candidate, resigned from his position of vice speaker of the parliament citing gross violations during the February elections. These two steps basically gave Robert Kocharian and Serge Sarkisian a free hand to &ldquo;handle&rdquo; the opposition and throw several dozen of them in jail, effectively closing the window for any meaningful political reform in Armenia. Fundamental developmental changes promised by Serge Sarkisian and signed up to by the coalition members, including the ARF, are yet to materialize.</p><p>Blunder #4: Unwillingness to cooperate with the Ter Petrossian-led opposition. The whole rhetoric that Levon Ter-Petrossian is one of the founding fathers of the crooked system we have now&mdash;while true&mdash;is reminiscent of holding grudges, which is not only difficult for the people of Armenia to comprehend&mdash;given the country&rsquo;s state of affairs&mdash;but also difficult to reconcile with Kocharian&rsquo;s own record of anti-ARF activities in Artsakh during the war, which did not prevent the ARF from becoming his power base for a decade.</p><p>Blunder #5: The ARF&rsquo;s membership in the coalition governments. During the past 12 years, the party was in control of critical areas of education, social security, and agriculture, having to report little, if any, positive change in these areas. In fact, the ARF&rsquo;s leadership in these areas witnessed Armenia entering the lowest quintiles of world countries in terms of budgetary spending on education and health.</p><p>Blunder #6: Handling of Armenia-Turkey protocols. While the end result&mdash;the ARF leaving the coalition&mdash;was as expected, many observers felt it was too little too late. It is difficult to imagine that as a coalition member the ARF was not in the loop with the preparations underway and could not have blown the whistle earlier on this biggest of all &ldquo;Russian roulettes&rdquo; played in Armenia&rsquo;s recent history.</p><p>But let me not single out the ARF here and give you a snapshot of our assessment of the overall diaspora performance in recent years; here I cite the conclusions of the PFA&rsquo;s Diaspora Report:</p><p>&mdash;Diaspora missed an opportunity to line up its vision, values, and aspirations with those of the people of Armenia. Diaspora economic assistance lost its scale/scope, and may have reduced incentives of those in power in Yerevan to undertake meaningful reform;</p><p>&mdash;Diaspora failed to produce a credible warning to the government of Armenia as to the limits of what can and cannot be tolerated in terms of human rights abuses and economic mismanagement;</p><p>&mdash;By being complacent and minding its own business, Diaspora effectively encouraged the abuses that have undermined the prospects for development and are effectively tearing the socio-political fabric of the Armenian society.</p><p>The good news is that the diaspora&mdash;and that includes its most active element, the ARF&mdash;is still the best source for change that we have, by the virtue of the fact that it is free from Yerevan&rsquo;s censorship and has the intellectual and financial resources to do <em>much</em> better.</p><p><strong>Current challenges</strong></p><p>Going forward, I will list the challenges faced by Armenia today as I see them. Among these, nothing has such a profound implication for the conditions the country is in now (and as a matter of fact, for the remainder of the items of the list) as the first item below, the state capture:</p><p>&mdash;State capture (defined as control of economy and economic decision-making by a narrow interest group or individuals) has reached enormous and unprecedented proportions in Armenia;</p><p>&mdash;Demographic disaster: According to several observers, such as Stephan Astourian and Ara Papian, given the outflow of population, Armenia may soon reach a point of no return from in terms of both economic and geopolitical viability;</p><p>&mdash;Brain drain has accelerated since the events of 2008 with little, if any, hope of slowing down;</p><p>&mdash;Damage to the social fabric and values: The economic model of recent years has (on the microeconomic level) encouraged over-dependence on remittances and transfers and discouraged investment in education and business activities;</p><p>&mdash;Economic stagnation, growing public debt: Crisis management over the past two years has turned into a disaster, with sovereign debt about to cross a dangerous threshold of 50 percent of GDP by the end of 2010, tripling in two years! The current economic model holds no promise of any drastic improvements. The most recent quarterly GDP numbers show that the economy might be headed for an L-shaped recovery, with serious implications for unemployment and poverty;</p><p>&mdash;Environmental desecration: The recent surge of problems on this front is a direct outcome of the economic model where (low value added) mining is the main driver of the economy at the expense of the environment and safety;</p><p>&mdash;Geopolitical challenges and threats remain very serious.</p><p>The Armenia we currently have is not what its citizens wish it was, or what they deserve. It is also fair to say that the Armenia of today is not the Armenia of your dreams. Let me push this further: I will stand corrected if any one of you tells me today that Armenia&rsquo;s political leaders are the kinds of leaders you envisioned in your dreams 25 years ago.</p><p>Despite these challenges, Armenia can be as prosperous and strong as we want it to be. The current state of affairs is a direct outcome of the country&rsquo;s corrupt and incompetent leadership of the past and present, and the limits imposed by Armenia&rsquo;s &ldquo;international partners,&rdquo; who have the country&rsquo;s rulers on the hook.</p><p><strong>Going forward: What can the ARF do?</strong></p><p>Where do we go from here? In sum, the main directions of effort should be aimed at:</p><p>&mdash;De-criminalizing politics;</p><p>&mdash;De-politicizing economic decision-making; and</p><p>&mdash;Building (development-intensive) policy capacity.</p><p>The diaspora&rsquo;s role in each of these dimensions is critical. The actions and steps the ARF can take to better prepare itself for achieving these broadly defined goals could be as follows:</p><p>&mdash;Revise its operational model: The ARF remains very centralized. This may not be conducive to change that is needed to address the internal challenges and to stay alive and relevant. While in recent years a disproportionate amount of power has been concentrated in the hands of Armenia-based leaders of the party, this should not prevent the grassroots from making their leaders accountable for the mistakes of the past and from changing course. A change of leadership over time in any institution is essential and term limits should be introduced;</p><p>&mdash;Embrace forward-looking thinking: While genocide recognition efforts have provided the ARF with a strong follower base and kept the issue alive, more needs to be done in terms of channelling the energy and potential of the party&rsquo;s strong grassroots membership toward the challenges of today and tomorrow. The realization and message that if Armenia were a stronger and more democratic state our efforts toward addressing historical wrongs may have been more efficient should be stressed;</p><p>&mdash;Secure consistency of message: The view that the Armenia-based leadership is very close to the ruling regime is strong among people in Armenia, and stronger and more credible efforts should be made to change this perception. A message that is consistent: (1) across time, (2) with party&rsquo;s own objectives, and (3) what works and what doesn&rsquo;t in the world is long overdue.</p><p>Having said this, once again, you are the most active and well-organized community in the whole of the diaspora. Dust the &ldquo;revolutionary&rdquo; of the ARF and put it to use. The nation&rsquo;s future pretty much depends on you&mdash;don&rsquo;t squander it!</p><p>Thank you.</p><p>&nbsp;</p>', '', 'full_html');
